O império, a elite e o imperador: debates sobre a Europa na política externa brasileira do século XIX

A independência do Brasil, bem como de parte significativa da América Latina, ocorreu concomitantemente ao reestabelecimento da realidade política europeia após a Revolução Francesa. A Constituição brasileira de 1824, apesar de aparentar similaridades com o liberalismo francês, foi feita de forma a transformar o Brasil no modelo mais bem acabado de realidade política do Antigo Regime europeu. O engessamento da estrutura política decorria da existência de uma elite coesa, situação que punha à prova um modelo que teoricamente oferecia ao monarca o poder máximo, dada sua atribuição de alternar o grupo que estava no comando do país. Esse processo resultou quase que na transformação do imperador em um chanceler das decisões tomadas pelos membros da elite homogênea. Essa dinâmica política ocorre pari passu às tensões de modernização que permeiam a realidade europeia do século XIX e que refletem o aprofundamento do capitalismo da Segunda Revolução Industrial. O Brasil, pensado a partir do modelo do Antigo Regime europeu, encontrou no segundo reinado o ponto de inflexão a partir de iniciativas de modernização defendidas por D. Pedro II. Esse conflito intraelite é a tônica da análise feita a partir da hipótese de que o Brasil era um membro efetivo da Sociedade de Estados europeia, percepção decorrente do compartilhamento de valores havido com os países da Europa. Nesse espectro, constrói-se uma narrativa histórica na qual a História da Política Externa Brasileira e a História das Relações Internacionais são desenvolvidas conjuntamente. Essa narrativa visa superar as limitações impostas por uma noção de História restrita às questões de poder e disputas fronteiriças. Para a consecução desse objetivo recorreu-se a uma análise mais detalhada das atribuições do Conselho de Estado órgão representativo da elite imperial e das atas das reuniões havidas na seção de Justiça e Negócios Estrangeiros. A essa análise contrapôs-se aquela feita dos diários de D. Pedro II escritos durante suas três viagens ao Exterior (1871-1873 / 1876-1877 / 1887-1888). É pela contraposição dessas duas fontes primárias que se conclui que havia projetos diferentes para o país decorrentes de percepções diferentes sobre a realidade da Europa: se de um lado a Europa vista pela elite brasileira era aquela do Antigo Regime, D. Pedro II reconhecia os impulsos modernizantes das duas últimas décadas do século. Alguns dos quais ele tentou implementar no país.

Effect of substituting animal protein sources with soybean meal in diets of Oreochromis karongae (Trewavas 1941)

Three diets were formulated using locally available feed ingredients in Malawi to test the effect of replacing animal protein (fish meal, meat and bone meal) with soybean meal (10:0, 5:5, 0:10% of diet) as the protein source on growth and feed conversion of Oreochromis karongae. There were no significant differences in growth rate (GR), specific growth rate (SGR) and feed conversion ratios (FCR) among the three diets. It can be concluded that more expensive and limited animal protein sources can totally be replaced by cheaper soybean in order to get similar growth rates in O. karongae.

Sources of variability in the free-ball micro-scale abrasion test

In the 'free-ball' version of the micro-scale abrasion or ball-cratering test the rotating ball rests against a tilted sample and a grooved drive shaft. Tests under nominally identical conditions with different apparatus commonly show small but significant differences in measured wear rate. An indirect method has been developed and demonstrated for continuous on-line measurement of the coefficient of friction in the free-ball test. Experimental investigation of the effects of sample tilt angle and drive shaft groove width shows that both these factors influence the stability of the rotation of the ball, and the shape of the abrasive slurry pool, which in turn affect the coefficient of friction in the wear scar area and the measured wear rate. It is suggested that in order to improve the reproducibility of this method the geometry of the apparatus should be specified. For the apparatus used in this work with a steel ball of 25 mm diameter, a sample tilt angle of 60-75° and a shaft groove width of about 10mm provided the most stable ball motion and a wear rate which showed least variability. © 2004 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

Historical Catches of Humpback Whales, Megaptera novaeangliae, in the North Atlantic Ocean: Estimates of Landings and Removals

Whaling for humpback whales, Megaptera novaeangliae, in the North At- lantic Ocean has occurred in various forms (e.g. for local subsistence, for oil to be sold commercially, using hand harpoons and deck-mounted cannons, using oar-driven open boats and modern powered catcher boats) from the early 1600’s to the present. Several previous attempts to estimate the total numbers of humpback whales removed were considered close to comprehensive, but some uncertainties remained. Moreover, the statistical uncertainty was not consistently presented with the previous estimates. Therefore, we have pursued several avenues of additional data collection and conducted further analyses to close outstanding data gaps and address remaining issues. Our new estimates of landings and total removals of humpback whales from the North Atlantic are 21,476 (SE=214) and 30,842 (SE=655), respectively. These results include statistical uncertainty, reflect new data and improved analysis methods, and take account of some fisheries for which estimates had not been made previously. The new estimates are not sufficiently different from previous ones to resolve the major inconsistencies and discrepancies encountered in efforts to determine the conservation status of humpback whale populations in the North Atlantic.

Nineteenth-century Ship-based Catches of Gray Whales, Eschrichtius robustus, in the Eastern North Pacific

The 19th century commercial ship-based fishery for gray whales, Eschrichtius robustus, in the eastern North Pacific began in 1846 and continued until the mid 1870’s in southern areas and the 1880’s in the north. Henderson identified three periods in the southern part of the fishery: Initial, 1846–1854; Bonanza, 1855–1865; and Declining, 1866–1874. The largest catches were made by “lagoon whaling” in or immediately outside the whale population’s main wintering areas in Mexico—Magdalena Bay, Scammon’s Lagoon, and San Ignacio Lagoon. Large catches were also made by “coastal” or “alongshore” whaling where the whalers attacked animals as they migrated along the coast. Gray whales were also hunted to a limited extent on their feeding grounds in the Bering and Chukchi Seas in summer. Using all available sources, we identified 657 visits by whaling vessels to the Mexican whaling grounds during the gray whale breeding and calving seasons between 1846 and 1874. We then estimated the total number of such visits in which the whalers engaged in gray whaling. We also read logbooks from a sample of known visits to estimate catch per visit and the rate at which struck animals were lost. This resulted in an overall estimate of 5,269 gray whales (SE = 223.4) landed by the ship-based fleet (including both American and foreign vessels) in the Mexican whaling grounds from 1846 to 1874. Our “best” estimate of the number of gray whales removed from the eastern North Pacific (i.e. catch plus hunting loss) lies somewhere between 6,124 and 8,021, depending on assumptions about survival of struck-but-lost whales. Our estimates can be compared to those by Henderson (1984), who estimated that 5,542–5,507 gray whales were secured and processed by ship-based whalers between 1846 and 1874; Scammon (1874), who believed the total kill over the same period (of eastern gray whales by all whalers in all areas) did not exceed 10,800; and Best (1987), who estimated the total landed catch of gray whales (eastern and western) by American ship-based whalers at 2,665 or 3,013 (method-dependent) from 1850 to 1879. Our new estimates are not high enough to resolve apparent inconsistencies between the catch history and estimates of historical abundance based on genetic variability. We suggest several lines of further research that may help resolve these inconsistencies.

Rangia and Marsh Clams, Rangia cuneata, R. flexuosa, and Polymesoda caroliniana, in Eastern México: Distribution, Biology and Ecology, and Historical Fisheries

Rangia and marsh clams, Rangia cuneata, R. flexuosa, and Polymesoda caroliniana, occur in brackish waters along México’s eastern coast from the northern State of Tamaulipas to the southern State of Campeche. The clams were important to the prehispanic people in the southern part of the State of Veracruz, where they were used as food and as construction material. In modern times, they are harvested for food. The fishermen wade in shallow water and harvest the clams in soft sediments by hand. Annual landings of whole clams during a recent 5-yr period, 1998–2002, were 1,139–1,695 t. The only area with a substantial ongoing clam fishery is in the Lower Papaloapan River Basin, including Alvarado Lagoon, where as many as 450 fishermen are licensed harvesters. This fishery for the Rangia and marsh clams is the most important clam fishery along México’s Gulf Coast.

Quahogs in Eastern North America: Part I, Biology, Ecology, and Historical Uses

The northern quahog, Mercenaria mercenaria, ranges along the Atlantic Coast of North America from the Canadian Maritimes to Florida, while the southern quahog, M. campechiensis, ranges mostly from Florida to southern Mexico. The northern quahog was fished by native North Americans during prehistoric periods. They used the meats as food and the shells as scrapers and as utensils. The European colonists copied the Indians treading method, and they also used short rakes for harvesting quahogs. The Indians of southern New England made wampum from quahog shells, used it for ornaments and sold it to the colonists, who, in turn, traded it to other Indians for furs. During the late 1600’s, 1700’s, and 1800’s, wampum was made in small factories for eventual trading with Indians farther west for furs. The quahoging industry has provided people in many coastal communities with a means of earning a livelihood and has provided consumers with a tasty, wholesome food whether eaten raw, steamed, cooked in chowders, or as stuffed quahogs. More than a dozen methods and types of gear have been used in the last two centuries for harvesting quahogs. They include treading and using various types of rakes and dredges, both of which have undergone continuous improvements in design. Modern dredges are equipped with hydraulic jets and one type has an escalator to bring the quahogs continuously to the boats. In the early 1900’s, most provinces and states established regulations to conserve and maximize yields of their quahog stocks. They include a minimum size, now almost universally a 38-mm shell width, and can include gear limitations and daily quotas. The United States produces far more quahogs than either Canada or Mexico. The leading producer in Canada is Prince Edward Island. In the United States, New York, New Jersey, and Rhode Island lead in quahog production in the north, while Virginia and North Carolina lead in the south. Connecticut and Florida were large producers in the 1990’s. The State of Campeche leads in Mexican production. In the northeastern United States, the bays with large openings, and thus large exchanges of bay waters with ocean waters, have much larger stocks of quahogs and fisheries than bays with small openings and water exchanges. Quahog stocks in certifi ed beds have been enhanced by transplanting stocks to them from stocks in uncertified waters and by planting seed grown in hatcheries, which grew in number from Massachusetts to Florida in the 1980’s and 1990’s.

Historical Exploitation of the California Sea Lion, Zalophus californianus, in México

The exploitation of California sea lions, Zalophus californianus, in Mexican waters can be divided into four periods as defined by political characteristics of the country: Prehispanic, Colonial, Independent, and Postrevolutionary. During the first period (pre 1533), Native Americans took sea lions at low levels. During the second (1534–1821) and the third (1822–1911) periods, most exploitation was by foreigners and was incidental to other marine mammal harvests. During the Postrevolutionary period (after 1911), sea lions were exploited by Mexican and U.S. citizens for several commercial uses. Exploitation officially ended in 1982, although some small-scale poaching still occurs.

An Accounting of the Sources of Steller Sea Lion, Eumetopias jubatus, Mortality

During 1991–2000, the west-are additional mortalities that fueled the ern stock of Steller sea lions, Eumetopias decline. We tabulated the levels of reported jubatus, declined at 5.03% (SE = 0.25%) anthropogenic sources of mortality (sub- per year, statistically significant rates (P < sistence, incidental take in fisheries, and 0.10) in all but the eastern Aleutian Islands research), estimated another (illegal shoot-region. The greatest rates of declines oc-ing), then approximated levels of predation curred in the eastern and central Gulf of Alas-(killer whales and sharks). We attempted to ka and the western Aleutian Islands (> 8.2% partition the various sources of “additional” per year). Using a published correction mortalities as anthropogenic and as addifactor, we estimated the total non-pup pop-tional mortality including some predation. ulation size in Alaska of the western stock We classified 436 anthropogenic mortalities of Steller sea lions to be about 33,000 ani-and 769 anthropogenic plus some predation mals. Based on a published life table and mortalities as “mortality above replace-the current rate of decline, we estimate that ment”; this accounted for 26% and 46% of the total number of mortalities of non-pup the estimated total level of “mortality above Steller sea lions during 1991–2000 was replacement”, respectively. The remaining about 6,383 animals; of those, 4,718 (74%) mortality (74% and 54%, respectively) was are mortalities that would have occurred if not attributed to a specific cause and may be the population were stable, and 1,666 (26%) the result of nutritional stress.

An Historical Review of Sebastes Taxonomy and Systematics

Following the initial description of a species of Sebastes from the Atlantic in the late 1700’s, in the late 1800’s the incredible taxonomic diversity of the genus began to be recognized as more species were discovered in northeast Pacific waters. With over 100 species, most of them from the North Pacific, the genus Sebastes (rockfishes) now presents taxonomic problems at every level. For example, although early efforts to understand relationships among the species resulted in the erection of several subgenera, those and more recent efforts remain largely unsuccessful. Also, the position of the genus within the order Scorpaeniformes, as well as the limits of the genus and the validity of some species are all unresolved. This paper examines the worldwide history and status of taxonomic studies on Sebastes, and reviews the 23 subgenera that have been erected over the years. This review of research, which includes morphological and genetic studies, provides a framework against which to evaluate studies using new genetic techniques.

Adaptive agent-based manufacturing control and its application to flow shop routing control

The manufacturing industry is currently facing unprecedented challenges from changes and disturbances. The sources of these changes and disturbances are of different scope and magnitude. They can be of a commercial nature, or linked to fast product development and design, or purely operational (e.g. rush order, machine breakdown, material shortage etc.). In order to meet these requirements it is increasingly important that a production operation be flexible and is able to adapt to new and more suitable ways of operating. This paper focuses on a new strategy for enabling manufacturing control systems to adapt to changing conditions both in terms of product variation and production system upgrades. The approach proposed is based on two key concepts: (1) An autonomous and distributed approach to manufacturing control based on multi-agent methods in which so called operational agents represent the key physical and logical elements in the production environment to be controlled - for example, products and machines and the control strategies that drive them and (2) An adaptation mechanism based around the evolutionary concept of replicator dynamics which updates the behaviour of newly formed operational agents based on historical performance records in order to be better suited to the production environment. An application of this approach for route selection of similar products in manufacturing flow shops is developed and is illustrated in this paper using an example based on the control of an automobile paint shop.