How the Euro divides the union: the effect of economic adjustment on support for democracy in Europe

As often pointed out in the literature on the European debt crisis, the policy programme of austerity and internal devaluation imposed on countries in the Eurozone's periphery exhibits a lack of democratic legitimacy. This article analyses the consequences these developments have for democratic support at both the European and national levels. We show that through the policies of economic adjustment, a majority of citizens in crisis countries has become ‘detached’ from their democratic political system. By cutting loose the Eurozone's periphery from the rest of Europe in terms of democratic legitimacy, the Euro has divided the union, instead of uniting it as foreseen by its architects. Our results are based on aggregated Eurobarometer surveys conducted in 28 European Union (EU) member states between 2002 and 2014. We employ quantitative time-series cross-sectional regression analyses. Moreover, we estimate the causal effect of economic adjustment in a comparative case study of four cases using the synthetic control method.

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 694 - "German Economy, Politics and Culture, 1900-1933", "The Collapse of German Democracy and the Expansion of National Socialism" (p. IX 168e - IX 169a)

"German Economy, Politics and Culture, 1900-1933. A Research Project of the International Institute of Social Research" (1940):; 1. Umriß des Forschungsprojekts: e)-g) Fassung vom 25.5.1940: e) Typoskript, 63 Blatt, f) Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 61 Blatt, g) Typoskript, 61 Blatt, h)-k) "Introduction": h) Typoskript, 21 Blatt, i) Typoskript, 15 Blatt, k) D.V. Glass: Entwurf, Manuskript, 17 Blatt; 2. Kostenschätzung zum Forschungsprojekt. 1 Blatt; "The Collapse of German Democracy and the Expansion of National Socialism" (1940):; 1. Darstellung des Forschungsprojekts (15.9.1940), a) als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 70 Blatt;

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 695 - "The Collapse of German Democracy and the Expansion of National Socialism", "Cultural Aspects of National Socialism" u.a. (p. IX 169.1a - IX 170.1-4)

"The Collapse of German Democracy and the Expansion of National Socialism" (1940):; 1. Darstellung des Forschungsprojekts (15.9.1940), b. Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 78 Blatt; 2. "Research work on recent trends in the history of ideas (parts of the Research project on the Collapse of German Democracy would be included)". Als Memorandum zur Eröffnung zur Eröffnung einer Zweigstelle des Instituts in Los Angeles (12.12.1940): a) Typoskript, 2 Blatt, b) Teilstück, Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 1 Blatt, c) Teilstück, Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 1 Blatt, d) Teilstück, Typoskript, 1 Blatt, e) Teilstück, Typoskript, 1 Blatt, f) Entwurf, Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen und Manuskript, 3 Blatt; 3. University of California, Los Angeles: 2 Briefe (Abschrift) von Max Horkheimer, o.O., 1940, 2 Briefe (Abschrift) an Max Horkheimer, 1940, 2 Blatt; A.R.L. Gurland: "Survey of Structural Changes in the German Economy, 1933 to 1939. Technological Bases and Organizational Forms of the National Socialist Economic System". Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen unter anderem von Theodor W. Adorno, 48 Blatt (formal nicht identisch mit "Technological Trends and Economic Structure under National Socialism", Studies in Philosophy and Social Science, Bd. IX, 1941, S. 226ff.); "Cultural Aspects of National Socialism. A Research Project" (1941):; 1. Institute of Social Research: Mitteilung über das Forschungsprojekt und das 'Supplementary Statement', Typoskript, englisch, 4 Blatt; 2. Supplementary Statement to the Research Project, a) Typoskript, 14.4.1941, 63 Blatt, b) Typoskript, 12.4.1941, mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 35 Blatt; 3. "Cultural Aspects of National Socialism. A Research Project" (24.2.1941), a) als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 54 Blatt, b) Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 34 Blatt, c) Fassung Januar 1941, Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 40 Blatt; 4. Inhaltsverzeichnisse, mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 3 Blatt;

Firms' use of FTA schemes in exporting and importing : is there a two-way relationship?

In this paper, we examine the roles of firm size in the use of FTA schemes in exporting and importing. Also, it is investigated as to whether FTA users in importing (exporting) are more likely to use FTA schemes in exporting (importing). To do that, we employed a unique survey in which the detailed information on FTA use is available for Japanese affiliates in ASEAN. Our findings are summarized as follows. First, firm size matters in the use of FTA schemes only in exporting, not in importing. Second, the past experience of FTA use in exporting (importing) does not help firms use the FTA schemes in importing (exporting). Thus, it is necessary to assist firms to use FTA schemes in exporting even if they are already using FTA schemes in importing.

The effects of international politics on oil-exporting developing countries

International politics affects oil trade. But does it affect the oil-exporting developing countries more? We construct a firm-level dataset for all U.S. oil-importing companies over 1986-2008 to examine how these firms respond to changes in "political distance" between the U.S. and her trading partners, measured by divergence in their UN General Assembly voting patterns. Consistent with previous macro evidence, we first show that individual firms diversify their oil imports politically, even after controlling for unobserved firm heterogeneity. We conjecture that the political pattern of oil imports from these individual firms is driven by hold-up risks, because oil trade is often associated with backward vertical FDI. To the extent that developing countries have higher hold-up risks because of their weaker institutions, the political effect on oil trade should be more significant in the developing world. We find that oil import decisions are indeed more elastic when firms import from developing countries, although the reverse is true in the short run. Our results suggest that international politics can affect oil revenue and hence long-term development in the developing world.

To Be or Not to Be a Normative Power: The EU’s Promotion of Human Rights and Democracy in Russia. Bruges Regional Integration & Global Governance Papers 2/2013

The ‘Normative Power Europe’ debate has been a leitmotif in the academic discourse for over a decade. Far from being obsolete, the topic is as relevant as when the term was first coined by Ian Manners in 2002.1 ‘To be or not to be a normative power’ is certainly one of the existential dilemmas in the foreign policy of the European Union. This paper, however, intends to move beyond the black-and-white debate on whether the European Union is a normative power and to make it more nuanced by examining the factors that make it such. Contrary to the conventional perception that the European Union is a necessarily ‘benign’ force in the world, it assumes that it has aspirations to be a viable international actor. Consequently, it pursues different types of foreign policy behaviour with a varying degree of normativity in them. The paper addresses the question of under what conditions the European Union is a ‘normative power’. The findings of the study demonstrate that the ‘normative power’ of the European Union is conditioned upon internal and external elements, engaged in a complex interaction with a decisive role played by the often neglected external elements.

The Triangular Relationship between Fundamental Rights, Democracy and the Rule of Law in the EU: Towards an EU Copenhagen Mechanism. CEPS Paperbacks. November 2013

This study examines the protection of fundamental rights, democracy and rule of law in the European Union, and the challenges that arise in reflecting on ways to strengthen EU competences in these contested terrains. It provides a ‘state of play’ and critical account of EU-level policy and legal mechanisms assessing the relationship between rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights in the member states of the Union. The cross-cutting challenges affecting their uses, effective implementation and practical operability constitute a central point of the analysis. The study argues that the relationship between rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights is co-constitutive. Any future rule of law-related policy discussion in the EU should start from an understanding of the triangular relationship between these dimensions from the perspective of ‘democratic rule of law with fundamental rights’, i.e. the legally based rule of a democratic state that delivers fundamental rights. The three criteria are inherently and indivisibly interconnected, and interdependent on each of the others, and they cannot be separated without inflicting profound damage to the whole and changing its essential shape and configuration.