922 resultados para crime and justice


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This research was focused around the intersection of two discourses: that of marginality and that of ideology. Ponomarev analysed works by Alexander Zinoviev, Vladimir Maximov and Eduard Limonov - three writers representing different groups of Soviet dissidence - from the viewpoint of the concept, drawn from anthropological theory, of marginal man. Using a methodology he describes as ideological analysis, Ponomarev showed that the ideologies of both the writers and their characters are marginal, lying as they do between official Soviet and western democratic ideologies. He showed that the works and the 'creative behaviour' of the three writers did not change after 1991, when their ideas seemed victorious. Marginality is shown to be a permanent characteristic and is linked with the main ideas of the dissident movement in the USSR. On the basis of this marginality, Ponomarev identified some common traits in dissident ideas and drew up a model of dissident ideology. This general model of dissident ideology seems to be one of the special Russian variants of the marginal ideologies of intelligentsia and could be compared to the ideology of Rodon Raskolnikov, the central character in Dostoevsky's Crime and Punishment. The discourse of ideology in the USSR in the 1970s-1980s and in 1990s Russia thus appeared as a process in which the elements of the official Soviet ideology were gradually superseded by those of the dissident ideology linked with the ideology of the underground, the Russian version of the post-modern. Marginal ideologies won and became mainstream but did not lose their basic marginal traits. Ponomarev concludes that the gap between the 'state ideology' and the dissident ideology, taken together with the special Russian version of postmodernity has shaped the current literary process in Russia, making the figure of the marginal man into the main writer type.

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This article is a study of the contrast between the Danish law concerning reduced economic benefits for newly arrived refugees and immigrants (known as Start Help or as introductory benefit) and the idea of recognition as the condition for individual self-realization and justice. Our assumption is that Start Help both implies economic discrimination against newly arrived persons in Denmark (especially refugees and their families under family reunification rules) and symbolizes a lack of recognition. We have chosen to adopt the theories of recognition (and redistribution) propounded by Axel Honneth and Nancy Fraser to explore our queries about Start Help and the discriminatory impact on its recipients. Empirically the article is based on in-depth qualitative interviews with six refugees who all receive Start Help.

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One of the most influential statements in the anomie theory tradition has been Merton’s argument that the volume of instrumental property crime should be higher where there is a greater imbalance between the degree of commitment to monetary success goals and the degree of commitment to legitimate means of pursing such goals. Contemporary anomie theories stimulated by Merton’s perspective, most notably Messner and Rosenfeld’s institutional anomie theory, have expanded the scope conditions by emphasizing lethal criminal violence as an outcome to which anomie theory is highly relevant, and virtually all contemporary empirical studies have focused on applying the perspective to explaining spatial variation in homicide rates. In the present paper, we argue that current explications of Merton’s theory and IAT have not adequately conveyed the relevance of the core features of the anomie perspective to lethal violence. We propose an expanded anomie model in which an unbalanced pecuniary value system – the core causal variable in Merton’s theory and IAT – translates into higher levels of homicide primarily in indirect ways by increasing levels of firearm prevalence, drug market activity, and property crime, and by enhancing the degree to which these factors stimulate lethal outcomes. Using aggregate-level data collected during the mid-to-late 1970s for a sample of relatively large social aggregates within the U.S., we find a significant effect on homicide rates of an interaction term reflecting high levels of commitment to monetary success goals and low levels of commitment to legitimate means. Virtually all of this effect is accounted for by higher levels of property crime and drug market activity that occur in areas with an unbalanced pecuniary value system. Our analysis also reveals that property crime is more apt to lead to homicide under conditions of high levels of structural disadvantage. These and other findings underscore the potential value of elaborating the anomie perspective to explicitly account for lethal violence.

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The issue of bias-motivated crimes has attracted consderable attention in recent years. In this paper, we develop an economic framework to analyze penalty enhancements for bias-motivated crimes. We extend the standard model by introducing two different groups of potential victims of crime, and assume that a potential offender's benefits from a crime depend on the group to which the victim belongs. We begin with the assumption that the harm to an individual victim from a bias-motivated crime is identical to that from an equivalent non-hate crime. Nonetheless, we derive the result that a pattern of crimes disproportionately targeting an identifiable group leads to greater social harm. This conclusion follows both from a model where disparities in groups' victimization probabilities lead to social losses due to fairness concerns, as well as a model where potential victims have the opportunity to undertake socially costly victimization avoidance activities. In particular, penalty enhancements can reduce the incentives for avoidance activity, and thereby protect the networks of profitable interactions that link members of different groups. We also argue that those groups that are covered by hate crime statutes tend to be those whose characteristics make it especially likely that penalty enhancement is socially optimal. Finally, we consider a number of other issues related to hate crimes, including teh choice of sanctions from behind a Rawlsian 'veil of ignorance' concerning group identity.

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Economic models of crime and punishment implicitly assume that the government can credibly commit to the fines, sentences, and apprehension rates it has chosen. We study the government's problem when credibility is an issue. We find that several of the standard predictions of the economic model of crime and punishment are robust to commitment, but that credibility may in some cases result in lower apprehension rates, and hence a higher crime rate, compared to the static version of the model.

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Numerous theories have been advanced in the effort to explain how a given policy issue manages to take root in the public sphere and subsequently move forward on the public legislative agenda—or not. This study examined how the social determinants of health (SDOH) came to be part of the legislative policy agenda in Britain from 1980 to 2003. ^ The specific objectives of the research were: (1) to conduct a sociopolitical analysis grounded in alternative agenda-setting theories to identify the factors responsible for moving the social determinants health perspective onto the British policy agenda; and (2) to determine which of the theories and related dimensions best accounted for the emergence of this perspective. ^ A triangulated content and context analysis of British news articles, historical accounts, and research commentaries of the SDOH movement was conducted guided by relevant agenda-setting theories set within a social movement framework to chronicle the emergence of the SDOH as a significant policy issue in Britain. ^ The most influential social movement and agenda setting elements in the emergence of the SDOH in Britain were issue generation tactics, framing efforts, mobilizing structures, and political opportunities grounded in social movement and agenda setting theories. Policy content or the details of the policy had comparatively little impact on the successful emergence of the SDOH. Despite resistance by the government, from 1980 to 1996 interest groups created a political understanding of the SDOH utilizing a framing package encompassing notions of inequality, fairness, and justice. This frame transmitted a powerful idea connected to a core set of British values and beliefs. After 1996, a shift in political opportunities cemented the institutional arrangements needed to sustain an environment conducive to the development and implementation of SDOH policies and programs. ^ This research demonstrates that the U.S. emergence of the SDOH on the policy agenda will depend upon: (1) U.S. ideals and values regarding poverty, inequality, race, health, and health care that will determine issue framing; (2) political opportunities that will emerge—or not—to advance the SDOH policy agenda; and (3) the mobilizing structures that support or oppose the issue. ^

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This study was an examination of environmental and social correlates of physical inactivity in a socio-economically disadvantaged community. This study was a secondary analysis of data collected by the Austin/Travis County Department of Health and Human Services. The study included an analysis of perceived environmental influences (e.g. access to physical support features like sidewalks and streetlights). This study also investigated several features of the social environment (e.g. perceived neighborhood crime and social influence). Participants’ beliefs and attitudes about the neighborhood were investigated. Results included estimates of the association between neighborhood factors and physical inactivity controlling for age, gender and education. This study found significant associations for social and environmental variables with physical inactivity. The goal of this work was to identify factors that contribute to inactivity and address a number of environmental and neighborhood risk factors that contribute to sedentary behaviors in a population of relative social and economic disadvantage.^

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El pensamiento de Rodolfo Mondolfo une la investigación historiográfico-filológica y la meditación práctica sobre la moral y la justicia, resuelta en términos socialistas. Esta unión entre planos distintos de su obra no ha sido suficientemente destacada. Su recepción argentina reporta esta dificultad en la comprensión de su legado, dada por la doble contrariedad que esa herencia representa: por un lado fue un filósofo italiano que vivió y enseñó en la Argentina, antes que un filósofo argentino. Por otro lado, Mondolfo no fue sólo un profesor investigador, sino un intelectual marxista obsesionado por la relación entre la teoría y una práctica revolucionaria de intención demorradical y nacionalista. Se esboza una semblanza de conjunto para mostrar su preocupación por elaborar una antropología filosófica voluntarista, tanto a la hora de configurar su imagen del mundo antiguo, como al momento de trazar las categorías atinentes a una ética socialista de la emancipación nacional.

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El objetivo del presente artículo es estudiar a los franceses en el Virreinato del Río de la Plata desde la óptica de las autoridades coloniales. Se analiza la documentación del gobierno superior, del Cabildo y de la justicia para deducir quiénes eran y cómo fueron vistos y tratados los franceses por los vecinos y por las instituciones coloniales. Hasta al comienzo de la Revolución Francesa la imagen de aquellos era sobre todo, positiva y casi no se conservan en el archivo colonial registros sobre conflictos causados por este grupo en el virreinato. Con la Revolución, no obstante, los franceses se convirtieron en sospechosos y fueron objetivo de medidas de vigilancia, castigo y expulsión.

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The Wire, la serie concebida por David Simon a comienzo de la década pasada y emitida por HBO, es una de las pocas que puede presumir de ser llamada la mejor ficción creada para la televisión. Pero más allá de sus bondades artísticas, o precisamente por ellas, la mirada expansiva y total que realiza el programa sobre Baltimore, Maryland, en vísperas de nuestro siglo invita a que la utilicemos como punto de acceso para pensar el capitalismo, el crimen y la cuestión urbana en la actualidad. Pero por sobre todo, elaborar cómo estos términos interactúan en relaciones dialécticas que, en definitiva, producen la ciudad contemporánea

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En este artículo, el autor expone las singulares características de la ejecución ilegal de detenidos políticos en una base militar en agosto de 1972, conocida como la «masacre de Trelew¼. También presenta los modos en que esa masacre comenzó a ser recordada en los años siguientes y las lecturas que realizaron de ella las distintas corrientes de izquierda, las cuales no alcanzaron a ver la nueva dimensión del hecho. Finalmente, se pregunta por las relaciones entre este crimen y el terror estatal que sobrevendrá poco tiempo después, como un aporte para reflexionar sobre el concepto de «terrorismo de Estado¼.