981 resultados para carbon capture


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The system CS2 + CH3NO2 shows β=0.315±0.004 over 10-6<ε=|T-Tc| / Tc<2�10-1 with no indication of a classical value ½ even far away from Tc. The diameter shows a curvature and is of the form �c+b ε+fε7 / 8exp(-gεh).

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Network data packet capture and replay capabilities are basic requirements for forensic analysis of faults and security-related anomalies, as well as for testing and development. Cyber-physical networks, in which data packets are used to monitor and control physical devices, must operate within strict timing constraints, in order to match the hardware devices' characteristics. Standard network monitoring tools are unsuitable for such systems because they cannot guarantee to capture all data packets, may introduce their own traffic into the network, and cannot reliably reproduce the original timing of data packets. Here we present a high-speed network forensics tool specifically designed for capturing and replaying data traffic in Supervisory Control and Data Acquisition systems. Unlike general-purpose "packet capture" tools it does not affect the observed network's data traffic and guarantees that the original packet ordering is preserved. Most importantly, it allows replay of network traffic precisely matching its original timing. The tool was implemented by developing novel user interface and back-end software for a special-purpose network interface card. Experimental results show a clear improvement in data capture and replay capabilities over standard network monitoring methods and general-purpose forensics solutions.

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In terms of critical discourse, Liberty contributes to the ongoing aesthetic debate on ‘the sublime.’ Philosopher Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) defined the sublime as a failure of rationality in response to sensory overload: a state where the imagination is suspended, without definitive reference points—a state beyond unequivocal ‘knowing.’ I believe the events of September 11, 2001 eluded our understanding in much the same way, leaving us in a moment of suspension between awe and horror. It was an event that couldn’t be understood in terms of scope or scale. It was a moment of overload, which is so difficult to capture in art. With my work I attempt to rekindle that moment of suspension. Like the events of 9/11, Liberty defies definition. Its form is constantly changing; it is always presenting us with new layers of meaning. Nobody quite had a handle on the events that followed 9/11, because the implications were constantly shifting. In the same way, Liberty cannot be contained or defined at any moment in time. Like the events of 9/11, the full story cannot be told in a snapshot. One of the dictionary definitions for the word ‘sublime’ is the conversion of ‘a solid substance directly into a gas, without there being an intermediate liquid phase’. With this in mind, I would like to present Liberty as a work that is literally ‘sublime.’ But what’s really interesting to me about Liberty is that it presents the sublime on all levels: in its medium, in its subject matter (that moment of suspension), and in its formal (formless) presentation. On every level Liberty is sublime—subverting all tangible reference points and eluding capture entirely. Liberty is based on the Statue of Liberty in New York. However, unlike that statue which has stood in New York since 1886 and can be reasonably expected to stand for millennia, this work takes on diminishing proportions, carved as it is in carbon dioxide, a mysterious, previously unexplored medium—one which smokes, snows and dramatically vanishes into a harmless gas. Like the material this work is carved from, the civil liberties of the free world are diminishing fast, since 9/11 and before. This was my thought when I first conceived this work. Now it’s become evident that Liberty expresses a lot more than just this: it demonstrates the erosion of civil liberties, yes. However, it also presents the intangible, indefinable moments in the days and months that followed 9/11. The sculptural work will last for only a short time, and thereafter will exist only in documentation. During this time, the form is continually changing and self-refining, until it disappears entirely, to be inhaled, metabolised and literally taken to heart by viewers.

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There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.

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The heat capacity Cp of the binary liquid system CS2 + CH3CN has been studied. This system has an upper critical solution temperature To ≈ 323.4 K and a critical mole fraction of CS2xo ≈ 0.5920. Measurements were made both for mixtures close to and far away from the critical region. The heat capacity of the mixture with x = xo exhibits a symmetric logarithmic anomaly around Tc, which is apparently preserved even for compositions in the immediate vicinity of xc. For compositions far away from xc, only a normal rise in Cp over the covered temperature range is observed.

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It is virtually impossible to produce castings free from internal stresses using conventional methods of founding. Castings with appreciable stresses distort during storage, transportation, machining and service. Though composition and melt treatment are known to affect the magnitude of residual stress in castings, the data on the effect of carbon equivalent and inoculation on the magnitude of residual stress in castings are limited. In the present investigation, an attempt is made to study (i) the effect of carbon equivalent on residual stress in cast iron castings, and (ii) the effect of inoculants such as calcium silicide and ferrosilicon on residual stress in iron castings in the carbon equivalent range 3.0–4.0%. The results of the investigation indicate the following: (i) the residual strains decrease linearly with increase in carbon equivalent in the uninoculated and inoculated irons; (ii) the tensile residual stresses decrease linearly with increase in carbon equivalent value of the uninoculated, calcium silicide-inoculated and ferrosilicon-inoculated cast iron castings; (iii) the ratio of UTS to residual stress increased on inoculating the grid castings. This increase is higher for calcium silicide-inoculated grids than for ferrosilicon-inoculated grid castings. This implies that from the residual stress point of view, inoculation of the iron with calcium silicide is beneficial.

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Adsorption of oxygen on Ni, Cu, Pd, Ag, and Au surfaces has been investigated by employing UV and X-ray photoelectron spectrscopy as well as electron energy loss spectroscopy (EELS). Molecularly chemisorbed (singlet) oxygen is found on Ni, Cu, Ag, and Au surfaces showing features such as stabilization of the rB* orbital, destabilization of the .nu orbital, higher O(1s) binding energy than the atomic species, and a band 2-3 eV below the Fermi level due to metal d-O(2p)u* interaction. 0-0 and metal-oxygen stretching frequencies have been observed in EELS. Physical adsorption of O2 is found to occur on Pd and Ni surfaces, only at high exposures in the latter case. Physical adsorption and multilayer condensation of CO, on metal surfaces are distinguished by characteristic relaxation shifts in UPS as well as O(1s) binding energies. Adsorption of CO on a Ni surface covered with presorbed atomic oxygen gives rise to C02.

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This thesis focuses on how elevated CO2 and/or O3 affect the below-ground processes in semi-natural vegetation, with an emphasis on greenhouse gases, N cycling and microbial communities. Meadow mesocosms mimicking lowland hay meadows in Jokioinen, SW Finland, were enclosed in open-top chambers and exposed to ambient and elevated levels of O3 (40-50 ppb) and/or CO2 (+100 ppm) for three consecutive growing season, while chamberless plots were used as chamber controls. Chemical and microbiological analyses as well as laboratory incubations of the mesocosm soils under different treatments were used to study the effects of O3 and/or CO2. Artificially constructed mesocosms were also compared with natural meadows with regards to GHG fluxes and soil characteristics. In addition to research conducted at the ecosystem level (i.e. the mesocosm study), soil microbial communities were also examined in a pot experiment with monocultures of individual species. By comparing mesocosms with similar natural plant assemblage, it was possible to demonstrate that artificial mesocosms simulated natural habitats, even though some differences were found in the CH4 oxidation rate, soil mineral N, and total C and N concentrations in the soil. After three growing seasons of fumigations, the fluxes of N2O, CH4, and CO2 were decreased in the NF+O3 treatment, and the soil NH4+-N and mineral N concentrations were lower in the NF+O3 treatment than in the NF control treatment. The mesocosm soil microbial communities were affected negatively by the NF+O3 treatment, as the total, bacterial, actinobacterial, and fungal PLFA biomasses as well as the fungal:bacterial biomass ratio decreased under elevated O3. In the pot survey, O3 decreased the total, bacterial, actinobacterial, and mycorrhizal PLFA biomasses in the bulk soil and affected the microbial community structure in the rhizosphere of L. pratensis, whereas the bulk soil and rhizosphere of the other monoculture, A. capillaris, remained unaffected by O3. Elevated CO2 caused only minor and insignificant changes in the GHG fluxes, N cycling, and the microbial community structure. In the present study, the below-ground processes were modified after three years of moderate O3 enhancement. A tentative conclusion is that a decrease in N availability may have feedback effects on plant growth and competition and affect the N cycling of the whole meadow ecosystem. Ecosystem level changes occur slowly, and multiplication of the responses might be expected in the long run.

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This thesis uses semi-structured interviews and documentary analysis to explore the impact of carbon sequestration rights on rural land in Queensland and to determine whether current rural valuation knowledge and practice is equipped to deal with these rights. The carbon right in Queensland is complex and subject to significant individual variation. The nature and form of this right will determine whether it has a positive or negative impact on Queensland rural land. Significant gaps in the knowledge of industry stakeholders, including rural valuers, concerning carbon rights were found, and recommendations for valuation practice were made.

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A new simple-pole model for muon capture by 40Ca with emission of neutrons is suggested, in close analogy with radiative pion capture, and the calculated energy spectrum of the emitted neutron agrees well with the experimental results of the Columbia group for higher neutron energies.

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The system CS2 + CH3NO2 shows β=0.315±0.004 over 10-6<ε=|T-Tc| / Tc<2-10-1 with no indication of a classical value ½ even far away from Tc. The diameter shows a curvature and is of the form - c+b ε+fε7 / 8exp(-gεh).

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Carbon-supported Pt-TiO2 (Pt-TiO2/C) catalysts with varying at. wt ratios of Pt to Ti, namely, 1:1, 2:1, and 3:1, are prepared by the sol-gel method. The electrocatalytic activity of the catalysts toward oxygen reduction reaction (ORR), both in the presence and absence of methanol, is evaluated for application in direct methanol fuel cells (DMFCs). The optimum at. wt ratio of Pt to Ti in Pt-TiO2/C is established by fuel cell polarization, linear sweep voltammetry, and cyclic voltammetry studies. Pt-TiO2/C heattreated at 750 degrees C with Pt and Ti in an at. wt ratio of 2:1 shows enhanced methanol tolerance, while maintaining high catalytic activity toward ORR. The DMFC with a Pt-TiO2/C cathode catalyst exhibits an enhanced peak power density of 180 mW/cm(2) in contrast to the 80 mW/cm(2) achieved from the DMFC with carbon-supported Pt catalyst while operating under identical conditions. Complementary data on the influence of TiO2 on the crystallinity of Pt, surface morphology, and particle size, surface oxidation states of individual constituents, and bulk and surface compositions are also obtained by powder X-ray diffraction, scanning and transmission electron microscopy, X-ray photoelectron spectroscopy, energy dispersive analysis by X-ray, and inductively coupled plasm optical emission spectrometry.

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The electrical and optical response of a field-effect device comprising a network of semiconductor-enriched single-wall carbon nanotubes, gated with sodium chloride solution is investigated. Field-effect is demonstrated in a device that uses facile fabrication techniques along with a small-ion as the gate electrolyte-and this is accomplished as a result of the semiconductor enhancement of the tubes. The optical transparency and electrical resistance of the device are modulated with gate voltage. A time-response study of the modulation of optical transparency and electrical resistance upon application of gate voltage suggests the percolative charge transport in the network. Also the ac response in the network is investigated as a function of frequency and temperature down to 5 K. An empirical relation between onset frequency and temperature is determined.

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Morphology and electrochemical performance of mixed crystallographic phase titania nanotubes for prospective application as anode in rechargeable lithium ion batteries are discussed. Hydrothermally grown nanotubes of titania (TiO2) and carbon-titania (C-TiO2) comprise a mixture of both anatase and TiO2 (B) crystallographic phases. The first cycle capacity (at Current rate = 10 mAg(-1)) for bare TiO2 nanotubes was 355 mAhg(-1) (approximately 1.06 Li), which is higher than both the theoretical capacity (335 mAhg(-1)) and the reported values for pure anatase and TiO2 (B) nanotubes. Higher capacity is attributed to it combination of the presence of mixed crystallographic phases of titania and trivial size effects. The surface area of bare TiO2 nanotubes was very high at 340 m(2) g(-1). C-TiO2 nanotubes showed a slightly lower first-cycle specific capacity of 307 mAhg(-1), but the irreversible capacity loss in the first cycle decreased by half compared to bare TiO2 nanotubes. The C-TiO2 nanotubes also showed a better rate capability, that is, higher capacities compared to bare TiO2 nanotubes in the Current range 0.1-2 Ag-1. Enhanced rate capability in the case of C-TiO2 is attributed to the efficient percolation of electrons as well its to the decrease in the anatase phase.

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Single pellet experiments have been carried out in a nitrogen atmosphere to study the reduction of hematite by graphite in the temperature range 925 to 1060°C. The effect of variables such as c/Fe2O3 molar ratio, pellet size, and so forth, has been investigated. Gas analysis data show a continuous decrease in CO2/CO ratio during reduction, the values being far away from Fe/FeO equilibrium for wustite reduction by CO. The activation energies associated with different degrees of reduction appear to be widely different suggesting a possible changeover in reaction mechanism during the progress of reduction. X-ray diffraction studies confirm the stepwise nature of hematite reduction.