Central Europeans towards Integration with the European Union: A Study of Public Opinion, Social Attitudes and National Identities

Since the turbulence of 1989, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe have striven to "return to Europe". Agreements have been signed with ten post-communist countries, beginning in 1991 with Czechoslovakia (before its division), Hungary and Poland. Since that time several countries have expressed a desire to become members of the EU. In 1997 the European Commission announced its opinion on the applications for EU membership of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, and seven other applicant countries. The Commission recommended the commencement of negotiations on accession with the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovenia. Mr. Kucia's report, presented in the form of a series of manuscripts totalling 91 pages, written in English and Polish and including many pages of tables and graphs, presents the results of a study of public opinion on European integration in four countries of Central Europe (CE): the Czech Republic (CZ), Hungary (H), Poland (PL), and Slovakia (SK). The research results are primarily based on a public-opinion survey known as the Central and Eastern Eurobarometer (CEEB). CEEB has been conducted on behalf of the European Commission in the Central and Eastern European countries each year in autumn since 1990. Below is a very small selection of Mr. Kucia's research findings. Throughout the 90s people in the four countries increasingly saw their countries' future tied up with the EU, since economic and political connections to the EU were growing and prospects for EU membership were increasing. Regional co-operation within CE did not gain much popular recognition. However, initially high levels of enthusiasm for the EU were gradually superseded by a more realistic approach or even scepticism. Poland was the exception in this respect; its population was more positive about the EU in 1996 than ever before. Mr. Kucia concludes that, since the political "elites" in CE are more positive about the EU than the people they serve, they should do their best to bring people round to their beliefs, lest the project of European integration become purely the business of the elites, as Mr. Kucia claims it has been in the EU up till now. He accuses the governments of the region, the EU authorities and the media of failing to provide appropriate information, especially about the two subjects which most affect them, association with the EU and the PHARE assistance programme. Respondents were asked to rank in order the countries or regions they saw their country's future most closely tied up with. In the period 92-96 the EU received the highest ratings in all of CE. The ratings were highest in CZ in 92 and 93 (46%) and in Poland in 96 (46%). They were the lowest in Hungary (22% in 94). After the EU came "Other Western European countries (non EU)", that is Austria, Sweden and Finland (before they joined the EU in 1995), Switzerland and Norway. Mr. Kucia puts the high ratings of these countries down to historical connections and geographical proximity, particularly in the case of Austria. The USA always came second in Poland, and in Hungary too its standing has always been higher than in CZ or SK. Indeed Mr. Kucia suggests that the USA's standing is disproportionately low in especially the CZ. Germany was nominated frequently by Hungarians, though in the CZ and SK, figures have been consistently low (1-2%). "Other CE/EE countries" increased their ratings in all of CE except Poland between 92 and 96. With regard to these last figures, Mr. Kucia makes an interesting note. Assuming that for the respondents in the four countries this category covered the Visegrad 4, least support was found in Poland, whose government was the most in favour of close political co-operation within the V4, while most support was in evidence in CZ and SK, for whose governments V4 was simply not a priority. Again, there is evidence of a divide between the political elites and the people. Russia has occupied a consistently modest rank. It was the highest in PL, fairly low in H and SK and the lowest in CZ. The Slovak government's policy of closer ties with Russia is reflected in a growth in the figures from 2% in 93 to 6% in 95. Every year the spontaneous answer "we should depend on ourselves" appeared, which Mr. Kucia interprets as either a sign of isolationism and disillusionment or as a call for self-reliance. Unfortunately he regards both these tendencies as unfeasible in the uniting Europe. Moving to more general conclusions, Mr. Kucia finds that the concept "Central Europe" does not have much meaning for Central Europeans. He believes that this is probably due to the failure to establish a viable regional co-operation network. Group discussions also revealed that people thought themselves European as a consequence of being Czech or Polish etc. Thus European identity is based on national identities. Generally within the surveyed period, the numbers of those who said they often think themselves European decreased, while the numbers of those who said they never think themselves European increased from 41% in PL, 36% in CZ, and 30% in H in 1990, to 67% in CZ, 58% in PL, and 51% in H in 1995.

Campaigning Against Europe? The Role of Euroskeptic Fringe and Mainstream Parties in the 2009 European Parliament Election

In this article, we analyze political parties' campaign communication during the 2009 European Parliamentary election in 11 countries (Austria, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Germany, Hungary, The Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, and the UK). We study which types of issues Euroskeptic fringe and Euroskeptic mainstream parties put on their campaign agendas and the kind and extent of EU opposition they voice. Further, we seek to understand whether Euroskeptic and non-Euroskeptic parties co-orient themselves toward each other within their national party systems with regard to their campaigns. To understand the role of Euroskeptic parties in the 2009 European Parliamentary elections, we draw on a systematic content analysis of parties' posters and televised campaign spots. Our results show that it is Euroskeptic parties at the edges of the political spectrum who discuss polity questions of EU integration and who most openly criticize the union. Principled opposition against the project of EU integration, however, can only be observed in the UK. Finally, we find indicators for co-orientation effects regarding the tone of EU mobilization: In national political environments where Euroskeptic parties strongly criticize the EU, pro-European parties at the same time publicly advance pro-EU positions.

A chrysophyte-based quantitative reconstruction of winter severity from varved lake sediments in NE Poland during the past millennium and its relationship to natural climate variability

Chrysophyte cysts are recognized as powerful proxies of cold-season temperatures. In this paper we use the relationship between chrysophyte assemblages and the number of days below 4 °C (DB4 °C) in the epilimnion of a lake in northern Poland to develop a transfer function and to reconstruct winter severity in Poland for the last millennium. DB4 °C is a climate variable related to the length of the winter. Multivariate ordination techniques were used to study the distribution of chrysophytes from sediment traps of 37 low-land lakes distributed along a variety of environmental and climatic gradients in northern Poland. Of all the environmental variables measured, stepwise variable selection and individual Redundancy analyses (RDA) identified DB4 °C as the most important variable for chrysophytes, explaining a portion of variance independent of variables related to water chemistry (conductivity, chlorides, K, sulfates), which were also important. A quantitative transfer function was created to estimate DB4 °C from sedimentary assemblages using partial least square regression (PLS). The two-component model (PLS-2) had a coefficient of determination of View the MathML sourceRcross2 = 0.58, with root mean squared error of prediction (RMSEP, based on leave-one-out) of 3.41 days. The resulting transfer function was applied to an annually-varved sediment core from Lake Żabińskie, providing a new sub-decadal quantitative reconstruction of DB4 °C with high chronological accuracy for the period AD 1000–2010. During Medieval Times (AD 1180–1440) winters were generally shorter (warmer) except for a decade with very long and severe winters around AD 1260–1270 (following the AD 1258 volcanic eruption). The 16th and 17th centuries and the beginning of the 19th century experienced very long severe winters. Comparison with other European cold-season reconstructions and atmospheric indices for this region indicates that large parts of the winter variability (reconstructed DB4 °C) is due to the interplay between the oscillations of the zonal flow controlled by the North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO) and the influence of continental anticyclonic systems (Siberian High, East Atlantic/Western Russia pattern). Differences with other European records are attributed to geographic climatological differences between Poland and Western Europe (Low Countries, Alps). Striking correspondence between the combined volcanic and solar forcing and the DB4 °C reconstruction prior to the 20th century suggests that winter climate in Poland responds mostly to natural forced variability (volcanic and solar) and the influence of unforced variability is low.

Capturing socially motivated linguistic change. How the use of gender-fair language afffects support for social initiatives in Austria and Poland.

Gender-fair language consists of the symmetric linguistic treatment of women and men instead of using masculine forms as generics. In this study, we examine how the use of gender-fair language affects readers' support for social initiatives in Poland and Austria. While gender-fair language is relatively novel in Poland, it is well established in Austria. This difference may lead to different perceptions of gender-fair usage in these speech communities. Two studies conducted in Poland investigate whether the evaluation of social initiatives (Study 1: quotas for women on election lists; Study 2: support for women students or students from countries troubled by war) is affected by how female proponents (lawyers, psychologists, sociologists, and academics) are referred to, with masculine forms (traditional) or with feminine forms (modern, gender-fair). Study 3 replicates Study 2 in Austria. Our results indicate that in Poland, gender-fair language has negative connotations and therefore, detrimental effects particularly when used in gender-related contexts. Conversely, in Austria, where gender-fair language has been implemented and used for some time, there are no such negative effects. This pattern of results may inform the discussion about formal policies regulating the use of gender-fair language.

Molecular signals required for type III secretion and translocation of the Xanthomonas campestris AvrBs2 protein to pepper plants

Strains of Xanthomonas campestris pv. vesicatoria (Xcv) carrying avrBs2 are specifically recognized by Bs2 pepper plants, resulting in localized cell death and plant resistance. Agrobacterium-mediated transient expression of the Xcv avrBs2 gene in plant cells results in Bs2-dependent cell death, indicating that the AvrBs2 protein alone is sufficient for the activation of disease resistance-mediated cell death in planta. We now provide evidence that AvrBs2 is secreted from Xcv and that secretion is type III (hrp) dependent. N- and C-terminal deletion analysis of AvrBs2 has identified the effector domain of AvrBs2 recognized by Bs2 pepper plants. By using a truncated Pseudomonas syringae AvrRpt2 effector reporter devoid of type III signal sequences, we have localized the minimal region of AvrBs2 required for type III secretion in Xcv. Furthermore, we have identified the region of AvrBs2 required for both type III secretion and translocation to host plants. The mapping of AvrBs2 sequences sufficient for type III delivery also revealed the presence of a potential mRNA secretion signal.

Ethidium-dependent uncoupling of substrate binding and cleavage by Escherichia coli ribonuclease III

Ethidium bromide (EB) is known to inhibit cleavage of bacterial rRNA precursors by Escherichia coli ribonuclease III, a dsRNA-specific nuclease. The mechanism of EB inhibition of RNase III is not known nor is there information on EB-binding sites in RNase III substrates. We show here that EB is a reversible, apparently competitive inhibitor of RNase III cleavage of small model substrates in vitro. Inhibition is due to intercalation, since (i) the inhibitory concentrations of EB are similar to measured EB intercalation affinities; (ii) substrate cleavage is not affected by actinomycin D, an intercalating agent that does not bind dsRNA; (iii) the EB concentration dependence of inhibition is a function of substrate structure. In contrast, EB does not strongly inhibit the ability of RNase III to bind substrate. EB also does not block substrate binding by the C-terminal dsRNA-binding domain (dsRBD) of RNase III, indicating that EB perturbs substrate recognition by the N-terminal catalytic domain. Laser photocleavage experiments revealed two ethidium-binding sites in the substrate R1.1 RNA. One site is in the internal loop, adjacent to the scissile bond, while the second site is in the lower stem. Both sites consist of an A-A pair stacked on a CG pair, a motif which apparently provides a particularly favorable environment for intercalation. These results indicate an inhibitory mechanism in which EB site-specifically binds substrate, creating a cleavage-resistant complex that can compete with free substrate for RNase III. This study also shows that RNase III recognition and cleavage of substrate can be uncoupled and supports an enzymatic mechanism of dsRNA cleavage involving cooperative but not obligatorily linked actions of the dsRBD and the catalytic domain.

Pea formaldehyde-active class III alcohol dehydrogenase: common derivation of the plant and animal forms but not of the corresponding ethanol-active forms (classes I and P).

A plant class III alcohol dehydrogenase (or glutathione-dependent formaldehyde dehydrogenase) has been characterized. The enzyme is a typical class III member with enzymatic parameters and substrate specificity closely related to those of already established animal forms. Km values with the pea enzyme are 6.5 microM for NAD+, 2 microM for S-hydroxymethylglutathione, and 840 microM for octanol versus 9, 4, and 1200 microM, respectively, with the human enzyme. Structurally, the pea/human class III enzymes are closely related, exhibiting a residue identity of 69% and with only 3 of 23 residues differing among those often considered in substrate and coenzyme binding. In contrast, the corresponding ethanol-active enzymes, the long-known human liver and pea alcohol dehydrogenases, differ more (47% residue identities) and are also in functionally important active site segments, with 12 of the 23 positions exchanged, including no less than 7 at the usually much conserved coenzyme-binding segment. These differences affect functionally important residues that are often class-distinguishing, such as those at positions 48, 51, and 115, where the plant ethanol-active forms resemble class III (Thr, Tyr, and Arg, respectively) rather than the animal ethanol-active class I forms (typically Ser, His, and Asp, respectively). Calculations of phylogenetic trees support the conclusions from functional residues in subgrouping plant ethanol-active dehydrogenases and the animal ethanol-active enzymes (class I) as separate descendants from the class III line. It appears that the classical plant alcohol dehydrogenases (now called class P) have a duplicatory origin separate from that of the animal class I enzymes and therefore a paralogous relationship with functional convergence of their alcohol substrate specificity. Combined, the results establish the conserved nature of class III also in plants, and contribute to the molecular and functional understanding of alcohol dehydrogenases by defining two branches of plant enzymes into the system.

Supporting the Revolution: America, Democracy, and the End of the Cold War in Poland, 1981-1989. ACES Working Paper (Report) No. 8, 2007

Early on the morning of December 13, 1981, General Wojciech Jaruzelski, the leader of the communist Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR), declared martial law, ending the so-called "Polish Crisis," which began with the creation of the Independent Free Trade Union "Solidamosc" in August 1980. Over the next eight years, the Communist government and the opposition struggled over power, culminating in 1989 with the creation of a Solidamosc-led government which ended fifty years of Communist rule in Poland and led the way to further democratic revolutions throughout Eastern Europe. The purpose of this dissertation is to utilize newly available and underutilized archival sources as well as oral history interviews, from both international and American perspectives, to fully chronicle American policy toward Poland from the declaration of martial law until the creation of the Solidarnosc government. Rather than explaining Polish-American relations in bilateral terms, the dissertation illuminates the complex web of influences that determined American policy in Washington and affected its implementation within Poland. This includes descriptions of internal tensions within the Reagan administration, differences between American decisions in Washington and implementation in Warsaw, lobbying from Polish-American groups, clashes between Capitol Hill and the White House, coordination with American labor organizations to support Solidarnosc, disagreements with West European allies in NATO and international financial organizations, cooperation with the Vatican and the Polish Catholic Church, synchronization with American humanitarian organizations working in Poland, limitations caused by the realities of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, and complications caused by domestic Polish concerns. By taking a broad view of American policy and highlighting internal Polish decisions, with both the Communist government and the democratic opposition, the dissertation provides concrete examples of America's role in Poland's transformation, arguing, however, that this role was very limited. These conclusions are relevant to arguments about the end of the Cold War, the nature of American power, as well as current discussions about possibilities to promote democracy within hostile regimes.

A scripture catechism, for the instruction of children and servants /

Includes publisher's advertisement on lower cover.

Bismarck, the man and the statesman : being the reflections and reminiscences of Otto, prince von Bismarck,

Translation of the author's Gedanken und erinnerungen, Stuttgart, 1898.

The life of Louis XI, the rebel dauphin and the statesman king, from his original letters and other documents;

"Printed in Great Britain."

Memoirs of Elizabeth Stuart, queen of Bohemia, daughter of King James the First. Including sketches of the state of society in Holland and Germany, in the 17th century.

Mode of access: Internet.

A dream of John Ball : and A king's lesson /

"A dream of John Ball" first appeared in the "Commonweal", 1886-87; issued in book-form, 1888. "A king's lesson", a story based on the life of Matthias Corvinus, also appeared in the "Commonweal", Sept. 18, 1886.