710 resultados para War’s Grammar, Geopolitics, International Order, Exceptionality, Globalization, Political Violence, Armed Conflict


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Recent and emerging security policies and practices claim a mutual vulnerability that closely links human insecurity in failed states with the threat to powerful states from illicit flows. This article first examines this ‘emerging orthodoxy’ of transnational security issues that reinforces the securitisation of poverty and the poor. It then subjects this orthodoxy to theoretical and empirical critique. Theoretically it shows that this orthodoxy is formed as a ‘geopolitical imagination’ that associates and stabilises particular views of weak states and illicit flows in a ‘netwar imagination’ by reasserting and reconfiguring traditional assumptions of the spatiality and nature of threats. A final empirical section, focusing on drug production and nuclear smuggling, argues that those assumptions and their assemblage are a partial, incomplete and often self-referential reading of illicit flows.

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From late 2008 onwards, in the space of six months, international financial regulatory networks centred around the Swiss city of Basel presided over a startlingly rapid ideational shift, the significance and importance of which remains to be deciphered. From being relatively unpopular and very much on the sidelines, the idea of macroprudential regulation (MPR) moved to the centre of the policy agenda and came to represent a new Basel consensus, as the principal interpretative frame, for financial technocrats and regulators seeking to diagnose and understand the financial crisis and to advance institutional blueprints for regulatory reform. This article sets out to explain how and why that ideational shift occurred. It identifies four scoping conditions of presence, position, promotion, and plausibility, that account for the successful rise to prominence of macroprudential ideas through an insiders' coup d'état. The final section of the article argues that this macroprudential shift is an example of a ‘gestalt flip’ or third order change in Peter Hall's terms, but it is not yet a paradigm shift, because the development of first order policy settings and second order policy instruments is still ongoing, giving the macroprudential ideational shift a highly contested and contingent character.

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It is very common to analyse the factors associated with the onset and continuation of civil wars entirely separately, as if there were likely to be no similarity between them. This is an overstatement of the theoretical position, which has established only that they may be different (i.e. less than perfectly correlated). The hypothesis that the explanatory variables are the same is not theoretically excludable and is empirically testable, both for individual variables and for combinations of them. Starting from this approach yields a rather different picture of the factors associated with the continuation of civil wars, because the relatively small sample size means that confidence intervals on individual coefficients are wide in this case. It is shown here that country size, mountainous terrain and (in most datasets) ethnic diversity seem significant for the continuation of civil wars, starting from the null hypothesis that variables affect onset and continuation probabilities identically, rather than entirely independently. One variable that affects onset and continuation significantly differently is anocracy, which we find to matter only for onset. Civil war is more likely if it occurred two years previously, as well as one year previously, which indicates that wars are more likely to restart after only one year of peace, and also more likely to stop in their first year. The combined model strengthens the result that ethnic diversity matters (it is consistently significant across datasets, whereas it is not when onset is analysed separately), although in the UCD/PRIO dataset it is significant only for onset. By contrast, if continuation is analysed independently, virtually nothing is significant except a pre-1991 dummy and a dummy for civil war two years previously.

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This article introduces the study of photographs of politicians as an object of geopolitical analysis. It does this through exploring the holiday photographs of Vladimir Putin released by the Kremlin in 2007, 2009, and 2010. Putin's biography provides a backdrop to a detailed analysis of the geopolitical representations contained in the photographs of him. In the same fashion as other images, the photographs seek to provide a contemporary view of events and, at the same time, serve as a medium through which particular political scripts are narrated. The photographs also help to reproduce (and question) hegemonic discourses about public forms of masculinity in Russia. This article is intended to contribute to the debate on how visual images can help make sense of the geopolitical world

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In the last century, Islam drew the world’s attention though such phenomena as the Islamic revolution in Iran, the fierce Muslim resistance against the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the assassination of Egypt’s President Sadat by a radical Islamic group. But it was when Osama Bin Laden and his organization Al Qaeda were established to have been behind the 11 September attacks in the US, the age-old images of Islam, the fanatical and belligerent religion threatening what the Western world stands for, were revitalized. The impact of 9/11 attacks was so great that even balanced portrayals of Islam were eclipsed by stereotypical images of a fundamental, anti-Western and warmongering religion that bore the hallmarks of medieval prejudices and rhetoric. The popular image tailored for the Western audience reflected Islam as monolithic, intrinsically aggressive, and determined to engage in religious wars against the interests and values of the Western civilisation.
This book intends to help reduce, at least to a reasonable degree, the impact of sweeping, and at times tendentious, generalisations about Islamic laws of warfare. The main purpose of this book is to place the legal, cultural and historical practices of Islamic wars in their broader socio-political contexts, thereby establishing that there has been no undisputed understanding of what defensive or aggressive warfare entails in Islam, whether in doctrine or in practice.

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This article offers a typology of so-called blocking legislation and analyses its development, functions and legality under international law. It also presents and discusses the new Russian blocking Order, issued in September 2012, focusing on its possible effects on the European Commission's investigation of Gazprom's business practices (in light of EU competition law) as well as, more broadly, on foreign operations of Russian strategic enterprises.

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Are anarchy and the law antithetical? Not so, as for more than 350 years international law has governed a legal order based on anarchy; wherein no central authority exists and law functions not on the basis of coercion but on cooperation whereby States must agree to each specific laws before it is bound by its obligations. This article contemplates two manners in which an anarchist might consider international law interesting: first, as a legal system which governs an anarchical society as described by Hedley Bull in line with the English School of International Relations; and second, as a manifestation of a State system which, though illegitimate can be utilized, as Noam Chomsky does, for tactical reasons to demonstrate its inconsistencies and thus weakening the system with the ultimate aim being its implosion

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The well-known ‘culture wars’ clash in the United States between civil society actors has now gone transnational. Political science scholarship has long detailed how liberal human rights non-governmental organizations NGOs engage in extensive transnational activity in support of their ideals. More recently, US conservative groups (including faith-based NGOs) have begun to emulate these strategies, promoting their convictions by engaging in transnational advocacy. NGOs thus face off against each other politically across the globe. Less well known is the extent to which these culture wars are conducted in courts, using conflicting interpretations of human rights law. Many of the same protagonists, particularly NGOs that find themselves against each other in US courts, now find new litigation opportunities abroad in which to fight their battles. These developments, and their implications, are the focus of this article. In particular, the extent to which US faith-based NGOs have leveraged the experience gained transnationally to use international and foreign jurisprudence in interventions before the US Supreme Court is assessed.

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This paper explores the in-between positionality of International Political Sociology (IPS) and offers a field guide to help scholars, students and thinkers embrace this disposition more energetically. It makes the case for a more balanced transdisciplinarity that attends to the international, the political and the social at the same time and in equal measure. The power of this in-between approach is that it forces thinkers in IPS to constantly look at the horrors of our contemporary world without turning away. Through the ambivalent position of the ‘happy wreck’, the paper explores the need to do something about these horrors (e.g. diagnose, act, intervene) while fully acknowledging that such actions always produce new forms of violence and exclusion. To help thinkers in IPS inhabit this challenging space of inquiry more confidently, the paper makes four suggestions: (i) broadening our emotional responses to the horrors of the world; (ii) resisting resolution through non-cathartic dispositions; (iii) pursuing slow research to contest dominant rhetorics of crisis and emergency; and (iv) re-imagining shared conditions of vulnerability.

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The order Lagomorpha comprises about 90 living species, divided in 2 families: the pikas (Family Ochotonidae), and the rabbits, hares, and jackrabbits (Family Leporidae). Lagomorphs are important economically and scientifically as major human food resources, valued game species, pests of agricultural significance, model laboratory animals, and key elements in food webs. A quarter of the lagomorph species are listed as threatened. They are native to all continents except Antarctica, and occur up to 5000 m above sea level, from the equator to the Arctic, spanning a wide range of environmental conditions. The order has notable taxonomic problems presenting significant difficulties for defining a species due to broad phenotypic variation, overlap of morphological characteristics, and relatively recent speciation events. At present, only the genomes of 2 species, the European rabbit (Oryctolagus cuniculus) and American pika (Ochotona princeps) have been sequenced and assembled. Starting from a paucity of genome information, the main scientific aim of the Lagomorph Genomics Consortium (LaGomiCs), born from a cooperative initiative of the European COST Action “A Collaborative European Network on Rabbit Genome Biology—RGB-Net” and the World Lagomorph Society (WLS), is to provide an international framework for the sequencing of the genome of all extant and selected extinct lagomorphs. Sequencing the genomes of an entire order will provide a large amount of information to address biological problems not only related to lagomorphs but also to all mammals. We present current and planned sequencing programs and outline the final objective of LaGomiCs possible through broad international collaboration.

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Num planeta finito, a impossibilidade de um crescimento contínuo e a necessidade de preservar os seus recursos naturais e ambientais, tendo em vista assegurar opções de qualidade de vida e bem-estar das gerações futuras, fez emergir e estruturar o conceito de Desenvolvimento Sustentável. Perante os múltiplos desafios que o futuro coloca, a educação constitui-se como uma via para alcançar um desenvolvimento mais harmonioso das relações entre os seres humanos e entre estes e a natureza, indispensável à humanidade na persecução dos seus legítimos anseios de paz, liberdade e justiça social. A importância atribuída à educação no sentido de uma adequada perceção da situação do planeta levou as Nações Unidas a proclamarem, no início deste século (dezembro de 2002), a Década da Educação para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável (2005-2014): um desafio internacional lançado aos países para que recorram à educação como ferramenta essencial na promoção de Desenvolvimento Sustentável. A vida nas sociedades contemporâneas é, como nunca antes, influenciada por desenvolvimentos científicos e tecnológicos e dependente dos respetivos progressos. Assim, a Educação Científica assume um papel fundamental na compreensão das problemáticas que enfrentamos e na consciencialização da responsabilidade do ser humano na situação planetária atual, devendo promover o desenvolvimento de cidadanias proativas, fundamentadas e responsáveis, no sentido da mudança, numa perspetiva crítica global que garanta a sustentabilidade do planeta. Estas finalidades são alvo de reflexão por parte de diversas instâncias da sociedade – nas quais se incluem organismos como a UNESCO, comunidades nacionais e internacionais de investigação em Educação Científica, e o poder político – e espelham-se em propostas de reforma e de revisão curricular em diversos países. Ora, sem ser exclusiva, a educação formal nos primeiros anos de escolaridade tem um papel fundamental, por ter caráter obrigatório na maioria dos países. Paralelamente existe um crescente reconhecimento a nível internacional em torno da importância de se iniciar precocemente a Educação Científica com vista a alcançar esses propósitos. Resultados alcançados em diversas investigações evidenciam que a Educação Científica nos primeiros anos de escolaridade tem impacte positivo relevante no desenvolvimento de literacia científica e no desenvolvimento de atitudes positivas face à Ciência e a aprendizagens de Ciências. A presente investigação pretende ser um contributo para a Década da Educação para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável no Primeiro Ciclo do Ensino Básico. O percurso de investigação, de natureza qualitativa, foi desenvolvido em três fases distintas mas articuladas entre si: a fase I integrou processos interpretativos de investigação documental e teve como principais objetivos o estabelecimento do quadro teórico de suporte à problemática de Educação para Desenvolvimento Sustentável e a caraterização de perspetivas de Educação Científica decorrentes de política educativa em Portugal; na fase II caraterizou-se a importância atribuída por professores do Primeiro Ciclo do Ensino Básico à Educação Científica e respetiva componente experimental, bem como as suas conceções acerca de Literacia Científica, orientações Ciência-Tecnologia-Sociedade no ensino das Ciências, Desenvolvimento Sustentável e o modo como dizem articular as referidas conceções com as suas práticas de sala de aula; na fase III apresentou-se um Programa de Ciências, concebido segundo os referenciais atrás definidos e avaliado por um painel de peritos, para Educação para Desenvolvimento Sustentável, “A Terra e os seres vivos: conhecer para valorizar e proteger”, para implementação em cada um dos quatro anos de escolaridade do Primeiro Ciclo do Ensino Básico. O presente estudo assume-se como um contributo para a inovação na Educação Científica no Primeiro Ciclo do Ensino Básico e fundamenta a necessidade de a reorientar, tendo em vista a resposta a compromissos internacionais assumidos por Portugal no âmbito da Década da Educação para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável, bem como a importância de acompanhar orientações e políticas recomendadas a nível internacional, numa perspetiva de educação num contexto de globalização.

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Sakr challenges the notion that transnational media technologies have forced states in the Arab Middle East to cede ever more control to non-state players since the 1990s. Taking account of a long history of foreign political engineering in Arab countries, she probes the realities of Arab broadcasting privatization, intra-regional harmonization of government communication policies, and external financial support for media freedom and reform, to show how Arab governments were large successfully in harnessing forces implicated in media globalization in a way that entrenched authoritarian elements of the status quo. The findings validate an alternative to globalization theory that places a dual focus on the agency of national ruling elites and the international structures that underpin the power of those elites today, as in the past.