The functional outcome and recovery of patients admitted to an intensive care unit following drug overdose: a follow-up study.

Patients who have overdosed on drugs commonly present to emergency departments, with only the most severe cases requiring intensive care unit (ICU) admission. Such patients typically survive hospitalisation. We studied their longer term functional outcomes and recovery patterns which have not been well described. All patients admitted to the 18-bed ICU of a university-affiliated teaching hospital following drug overdoses between 1 January 2004 and 31 December 2006 were identified. With ethical approval, we evaluated the functional outcome and recovery patterns of the surviving patients 31 months after presentation, by telephone or personal interview. These were recorded as Glasgow outcome score, Karnofsky performance index and present work status. During the three years studied, 43 patients were identified as being admitted to our ICU because of an overdose. The average age was 34 years, 72% were male and the mean APACHE II score was 16.7. Of these, 32 were discharged from hospital alive. Follow-up data was attained on all of them. At a median of 31 months follow-up, a further eight had died. Of the 24 surviving there were 13 unemployed, seven employed and four in custody. The median Glasgow outcome score of survivors was 4.5, their Karnofsky score 80. Admission to ICU for treatment of overdose is associated with a very high risk of death in both the short- and long-term. While excellent functional recovery is achievable, 16% of survivors were held in custody and 54% unemployed.This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

Growing up in Ireland. Key findings: infant cohort (at 3 years).

 The latest results from the study paint a picture of how these families are faring across a range of areas in their lives including their health, family life and financial and economic circumstances. In general the findings show that three-year-olds in Ireland are in good health with a few notable public health and related issues (including overweight and obesity), there is overall stability in family structures over the short term and that the recession has had a substantial effect on families with young children over the last number of years. These are the first longitudinal findings from the study. The first wave of fieldwork with the families of the Infant Cohort included approximately 11,100 nine-month-olds, their parents and carers. Interviews began in September 2008 and were completed in March 2009. Interviews for the second round of interviews with this cohort took place between January and August 2011. A total of 90% of the original sample of nine-month-olds were successfully re-interviewed. (A full download of the results released today, presented in three briefing documents can be found by clicking here. Key findings include: Health â?¢ Most of the children were described as being in good health; 75% were rated as very healthy and a further 23% were rated as healthy, but a few minor problems. Girls were more likely to be reported as very healthy (78%) compared with boys (72%). â?¢ One in four or almost one quarter of three-year-old children were overweight (19%) or obese (6%). â?¢ Childrenâ?Ts weight was related to household social class. 5% of children in families in the professional/managerial group were classified as obese at three years of age compared with 9% of those in the most disadvantaged social class group. However, at least one-fifth of children in every social class were overweight. â?¢ Childrens consumption of energy-dense foods such as crisps, sweets, chips, and non-diet fizzy drinks increased as parental education fell. 63% of children whose mother had a lower secondary education or less ate at least one portion of crisps compared with 36% of those from degree-level backgrounds, although consumption of biscuits/chocolates was over 70% for both groups of children. â?¢ Two-thirds (66%) of three-year-olds had received at least one course of antibiotics in the 12 months preceding the interview. Children with a full medical card (35% of the sample) or a GP-only medical card (5% of the sample) were more likely to have received a course of antibiotics than â?¢ Children with a full medical card received a higher number of antibiotic courses on average (2.6) compared with those without a medical card (2.1). â?¢ Just under 16% of three-year-old children were reported as having at least one longstanding illness, condition or disability. The most commonly reported illness types included Asthma (5.8%), Eczema/Skin allergies (3.9%) and Food/digestive allergies (1.2%) Family Life and Childcare â?¢ While the overall distribution of family structure was stable, there have been transitions from one-parent families to two-parent families and vice-versa over the 27 months between interview â?" approximately 2 to 3 percent in each direction. â?¢ 50% of three year olds were in some form of non-parental childcare for eight or more hours a week. The most common form used was centre-based childcare which almost tripled between nine months and three years, from 11% to 30%. â?¢ A similar percentage of grandparents were caring for children at both nine months and three years, 12% and 11% respectively. A total of 10% of three-year-olds were being minded by a childminder, an increase of 3 percentage points from when the children were nine months of age. â?¢ Children who were in some form of non-parental childcare were spending an average of 23 hours a week in their main type of childcare. â?¢ At time of interview the vast majority of mothers reported that they had regular contact with the Study Childâ?Ts grandparents (91%). In offering support to parents, grandparents were most likely to babysit (50%), and buy clothes (40%) at least on a monthly basis. One-parent families were more likely than two-parent families to receive financial support from grandparents with just under one-third (66%) of one-parent families receiving financial support from grandparents at least once every three months. â?¢ The most frequently used discipline technique was â?~discussing or explaining why the behaviour was wrongâ?T, with 63% of mothers saying they always did this. â?¢ 12% of mothers said they used â?~smackingâ?T as a form of discipline now and again and less than 1% used â?~smackingâ?T as a form of discipline more frequently. Over half reported that they never smacked the Study Child. Financial and Economic Circumstances â?¢ Just over half (53%) of mothers of three-year-olds worked outside the home, 38% said they were on home duties and 6% said they were unemployed. â?¢ The biggest change in terms of the work status of three-year-oldsâ?T parents was an increase in the percentage of unemployed fathers â?" 6% when the child was nine months rising to almost 14% when s/he was three years of age. â?¢ 61% of families of three-year-olds reported experiencing difficulties in making â?~ends meetâ?T. This was a substantial increase from 44% in the first round of interviews when the children were nine-months-old. â?¢ Almost two thirds (63%) of all families with three-year-olds reported that the recession had had a very significant or significant effect on them. â?¢ The most frequently recorded effects were: a reduction in wages (63%); canâ?Tt afford luxuries (54%), social welfare reduction (53%) and canâ?Tt afford/cut back on basics (32%). Growing Up in Ireland is a Government funded study tracking the development of two nationally representative cohorts of children: an Infant Cohort which was interviewed initially at nine months and subsequently at three years of age; and a Child Cohort which was interviewed initially at nine years and subsequently at 13 years of age. The study is being conducted by a consortium of researchers led by the Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI) and Trinity College Dublin. For Further Information Please Contact: Jillian Heffernan Communications Officer, Growing Up in Ireland Tel: 01 896 3378 Mobile: 087 9016880This resource was contributed to our repository by the National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

Mental health and growing up factsheet. Cannabis and mental health: information for young people.

About this leaflet This is one in a series of leaflets for parents, teachers and young people entitled Mental Health and Growing Up. These leaflets aim to provide practical, up-to-date information about mental health problems (emotional, behavioural and psychiatric disorders) that can affect children and young people. This leaflet gives you some basic facts about cannabis and also how it might affect your mental health. Introduction Lots of young people want to know about drugs. Often, people around you are taking them, and you may wonder how it will make you feel. You may even feel under pressure to use drugs in order to fit in, or be â?~coolâ?T. You may have heard that cannabis is no worse than cigarettes, or that it is harmless. What is cannabis? The cannabis plant is a member of the nettle family that has grown wild throughout the world for centuries. People have used it for lots of reasons, other than the popular relaxing effect. It comes in two main forms: ï,§ resin, which is a brown black lump also known as bhang, ganja or hashish ï,§ herbal cannabis, which is made up of the dried leaves and flowering tops, and is known as grass, marijuana, spliff, weed, etc. Skunk cannabis is made from a cannabis plant that has more active chemicals in it (THC), and the effect on your brain is stronger. Because â?~streetâ?T cannabis varies so much in strength, you will not be able to tell exactly how it will make you feel at any particular time. What does it do to you? When you smoke cannabis, the active compounds reach your brain quickly through your bloodstream. It then binds/sticks to a special receptor in your brain. This causes your nerve cells to release different chemicals, and causes the effects that you feel. These effects can be enjoyable or unpleasant. Often the bad effects take longer to appear than the pleasant ones. ï,§ Good/pleasant effects: You may feel relaxed and talkative, and colours or music may seem more intense. ï,§ Unpleasant effects: Feeling sick/panicky, feeling paranoid or hearing voices, feeling depressed and unmotivated. Unfortunately, some people can find cannabis addictive and so have trouble stopping use even when they are not enjoying it. The effects on your mental health Using cannabis triggers mental health problems in people who seemed to be well before, or it can worsen any mental health problems you already have. Research has shown that people who are already at risk of developing mental health problems are more likely to start showing symptoms of mental illness if they use cannabis regularly. For example if someone in your family has depression or schizophrenia, you are at higher risk of getting these illness when you use cannabis. The younger you are when you start using it, the more you may be at risk. This is because your brain is still developing and can be more easily damaged by the active chemicals in cannabis. If you stop using cannabis once you have started to show symptoms of mental illness, such as depression, paranoia or hearing voices, these symptoms may go away. However, not everyone will get better just by stopping smoking. If you go on using cannabis, the symptoms can get worse. It can also make any treatment that your doctor might prescribe for you, work less well. Your illness may come back more quickly, and more often if you continue to use cannabis once you get well again. Some people with mental health problems find that using cannabis makes them feel a bit better for a while. Unfortunately this does not last, and it does nothing to treat the illness. In fact, it may delay you from getting help you need and the illness may get worse in the longer term. [For the full factsheet, click on the link above]This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

Mental health and growing up factsheet. Drugs and alcohol - what parents need to know.

Information about drugs and alcohol - what parents need to know: information for parents, carers and anyone who works with young people. About this leaflet This is one in a series of leaflets for parents, teachers and young people entitled Mental Health and Growing Up. These leaflets aim to provide practical, up-to-date information about mental health problems (emotional, behavioural and psychiatric disorders) that can affect children and young people. This leaflet offers practical advice for parents, teachers and carers who are worried that a young person is misusing drugs or alcohol. Why do I need to know about a young person using drugs or alcohol? Many young people smoke, drink alcohol and may try drugs. It is important you are aware of this and do not ignore it as a time when they are just having fun or experimenting. It doesnââ,‰"¢t take much for the young people to soon lose control and to need help to recover from this problem. How common is it? By the age of 16, up to half of young people have tried an illegal drug. Young people are trying drugs earlier and more are drinking alcohol. What are the different types of drugs which cause problems? The most commonly used, readily available and strongly addictive drugs are tobacco and alcohol. There are numerous others that can be addictive. Alcohol and cannabis are sometimes seen as ââ,¬Ëogatewayââ,‰"¢ drugs that lead to the world of other drugs like cocaine and heroin. Drugs are also classed as ââ,¬Ëolegalââ,‰"¢ andââ,¬Ëoillegalââ,‰"¢. The obviously illegal drugs include cannabis (hash), speed (amphetamines), ecstasy (E), cocaine and heroin. Using ââ,¬Ëolegalââ,‰"¢ drugs (like cigarettes, alcohol, petrol, glue) does not mean they are safe or allowed to be misused. It just means they may be bought or sold for specific purposes and are limited to use by specific age groups. There are clear laws regarding alcohol and young people. For more detailed information on various drugs, their side-effects and the law, see ââ,¬ËoFurther Informationââ,‰"¢ at the end of the factsheet. Why do young people use drugs or alcohol? Young people may try or use drugs or alcohol for various reasons. They may do it for fun, because they are curious, or to be like their friends. Some are experimenting with the feeling of intoxication. Sometimes they use it to cope with difficult situations or feelings of worry and low mood. A young person is more likely to try or use drugs or alcohol if they hang out or stay with friends or family who use them. What can be the problems related to using drugs or alcohol? Drugs and alcohol can have different effects on different people. In young people especially the effects can be unpredictable and potentially dangerous. Even medications for sleep or painkillers can be addictive and harmful if not used the way they are prescribed by a doctor. Drugs and alcohol can damage health. Sharing needles or equipment can cause serious infections, such as HIV and hepatitis. Accidents, arguments and fights are more likely after drinking and drug use. Young people are more likely to engage in unprotected sex when using drugs. Using drugs can lead to serious mental illnesses, such as psychosis and depression. When does it become addiction or problem? It is very difficult to know when exactly using drugs or alcohol is more than just ââ,¬Ëocasualââ,‰"¢. Addiction becomes more obvious when the young person spends most of their time thinking about, looking for or using drugs. Drugs or alcohol then become the focus of the young personââ,‰"¢s life. They ignore their usual work, such as not doing their schoolwork, or stop doing their usual hobbies/sports such as dancing or football. How do I know if there is a problem or addiction? Occasional use can be very difficult to detect. If the young person is using on a regular basis, their behaviour often changes. Look for signs such as: ïâ?s§ unexplained moodiness ïâ?s§ behaviour that is ââ,¬Ëoout of character' ïâ?s§ loss of interest in school or friends ïâ?s§ unexplained loss of clothes or money ïâ?s§ unusual smells and items like silver foil, needle covers. Remember, the above changes can also mean other problems, such as depression, rather than using drugs. What do I do if I am worried? If you suspect young person is using drugs, remember some general rules. ïâ?s§ Pay attention to what the child is doing, including schoolwork, friends and leisure time. ïâ?s§ Learn about the effects of alcohol and drugs (see websites listed below). ïâ?s§ Listen to what the child says about alcohol and drugs, and talk about it with them. ïâ?s§ Encourage the young person to be informed and responsible about drugs and alcohol. ïâ?s§ Talk to other parents, friends or teachers about drugs - the facts and your fears and seek help. If someone in the family or close friend is using drugs or alcohol, it is important that they seek help too. It may be hard to expect the young person to give up, especially if a parent or carer is using it too. My child is abusing drugs. What do I do? ïâ?s§ If your child is using drugs or alcohol, seek help. ïâ?s§ Do stay calm and make sure of facts. ïâ?s§ Don't give up on them, get into long debates or arguments when they are drunk, stoned or high. ïâ?s§ Donââ,‰"¢t be angry or blame themââ,‰?othey need your help and trust to make journey of recovery. Where can I get help? You can talk in confidence to a professional like your GP or practice nurse, a local drug project or your local child and adolescent mental health. They can refer your child to relevant services and they will be able to offer you advice and support. You may also be able to seek help through a school nurse, teacher or social worker. You can find this information from your local area telephone book or council website, or ask for the address from your health centre. [For the full factsheet, click on the link above]This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

Growing up in Ireland. Key findings: 13-year-olds. No. 2. Physical activity and obesity among 13-year-olds.

This Key Finding reports on data from the second wave of interviews with Growing Up in Ireland's Child Cohort. The 8,568 children and their families were first interviewed when the children were 9 years old, and then at age 13 years, when 7,400 were reinterviewed between August 2011 and February 2012.The findings show that boys and young people from more socially advantaged backgrounds were more likely to exercise, and that 13-year-olds who took more exercise (whether hard or light exercise) were less likely to be overweight or obese.While most of the young people in Growing Up in Ireland maintained a healthy weight over time, one in four was either overweight or obese, a finding similar to that at 9 years. Girls were also more likely to be classified as overweight or obese than boys. The majority of 13-year-olds were quite positive about their physical appearance, although a quarter rated themselves as below average in this respect, and girls tended to be less positive about their body image than boys. Dieting behaviours had also become evident at 13.To understand more fully the origins and course of overweight and obesity, the descriptive data in this Key Finding can be used in more complex analyses drawing on the rich data available on the child, family and other important contextual variables.This resource was contributed by the National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

A Picture of breastfeeding in Ireland: Evidence from the Growing Up in Ireland study

Objectives: Describe the main patterns in breastfeeding Measure some of the predictors of “ Measure some of the consequences of “ Introduce some useful statistical techniques

Growing up in Ireland data in the Irish Qualitative Data Archive

Brian Merriman's presentation on the Growing up in Ireland data in the Irish Qualitative Data Archive

Contact tracing investigation after professional exposure to tuberculosis in a Swiss hospital using both tuberculin skin test and IGRA.

SETTING: A 950 bed teaching hospital in Switzerland. AIM: To describe the result of a contact investigation among health care workers (HCW) and patients after exposure to a physician with smear-positive pulmonary tuberculosis in a hospital setting using standard tuberculin skin tests (TST) and Interferon-gamma release assay (IGRA). METHOD: HCW with a negative or unknown TST at hiring had a TST two weeks after the last contact with the index case (T0), repeated six weeks later if negative (T6). All exposed HCW had a T-SPOT.TB at T0 and T6. Exposed patients had a TST six weeks after the last contact, and a T-SPOT.TB if the TST was positive. RESULTS: Among 101 HCW, 17/73 (22%) had a positive TST at T0. TST was repeated in 50 at T6 and converted from negative to positive in eight (16%). Twelve HCW had a positive T-SPOT.TB at T0 and ten converted from negative to positive at T6. Seven HCW with a positive T-SPOT.TB reverted to negative at T6 or at later controls, most of them with test values close to the cut-off. Among 27 exposed patients tested at six weeks, ten had a positive TST, five of them confirmed by a positive T-SPOT.TB. CONCLUSIONS: HCW tested twice after exposure to a case of smear-positive pulmonary TB demonstrated a possible conversion in 10% with T-SPOT and 16% with TST. Some T-SPOT.TB reverted from positive to negative during the follow-up, mostly tests with a value close to the cut-off. Due to the variability of the test results, it seems advisable to repeat the test with values close to the cut-off before diagnosing the presence of a tuberculous infection.

Success and Failure for Children Born with Facial Clefts in Africa: A 15-Year Follow-up.

BACKGROUND: This study reviews the 15 year program of our Department of Pediatric Surgery for the treatment and follow-up of children born with a cleft in Benin and Togo. METHODS: We analyzed files of children born in Africa with a cleft. They were referred to us through a nongovernmental organization (NGO) between 1993 and 2008 and assessed in Africa by local pediatricians before and after surgery. Operations were performed by our team. RESULTS: Two hundred files were reviewed: 60 cases of unilateral cleft lip, seven of bilateral cleft lip, 44 of unilateral cleft lip palate (UCLP), 29 of bilateral cleft lip palate (BCLP), 53 of cleft palate (CP), three of bilateral oro-ocular cleft, one of unilateral and two of median clefts (Binder), and one of commissural cleft. Sixty-nine (35 %) of these cases were not operated in Africa: 25 (12.5 %) had not shown up, 28 (15 %) were considered unfit for surgery (Down's syndrome, HIV-positive, malnutrition, cardiac malformation), and 16 (7.5 %) were transferred to Switzerland. Palatal fistula occurred in 20 % of UCLP, 30 % of BCLP, and 16 % of CP. Evaluation of speech after palate surgery gave less than 50 % of socially acceptable speech. CONCLUSIONS: Our partnership with a NGO and a local team makes it possible to treat and subsequently follow children born with a cleft in West Africa. Surgery is performed under good conditions. If aesthetic results are a success, functional results after palate surgery need further improvement to promote integration in school and social life.

Wake Up, Shake Up Breakfast Club

The Wake Up, Shake Up club was first set up in February 2013. The aim of the club is to support working parents and offer an affordable alternative to local childcare options. It is also an opportunity to re-enforce school healthy eating guidelines and explore different food options with children.The club is run by staff members of Holywell Childcare. 33 children attend each morning. There is a charge of €1 per child per day to cover staff costs. A selection of cereals is served each morning along with toast, fruit and fruit juice. Children can take part in different activities after breakfast, such as crafts, games, and even yoga ! Part of theBreakfast Clubs Pilot Programme Initiative Type Breakfast Clubs Location Dublin Target Groups Children ( 4-12 years) Start 18th Feb 2013

A follow up study of cytomegalovirus infection in a group of Turkish renal transplant recipients using molecular assays

The clinical value of an in-house cytomegalovirus nested polymerase chain reaction (CMV-PCR) and a commercial molecular assay hybrid capture CMV DNA assay (HCA) was evaluated in monitoring a group of renal transplant patients for six months follow up. In this study, the sensitivity, specificity, positive predictive value, and negative predictive value of nested CMV DNA PCR assay and HCA at the beginning of the study were 70, 42.9, 46.7, 66.7, and 60, 78.6, 66.7, and 73.3% respectively. After six months, they were 80, 66.7, 80, 66.7 for CMV PCR and 73.3, 88.9, 91.7, 66.7% for HCA respectively. These results indicate that in monitoring and predicting CMV infections in renal transplant recipients, not only qualitative but also quantitative assays must be used together in order to decide the preemptive strategies.

A growth hormone-releasing peptide that binds scavenger receptor CD36 and ghrelin receptor up-regulates sterol transporters and cholesterol efflux in macrophages through a peroxisome proliferator-activated receptor gamma-dependent pathway.

Macrophages play a central role in the pathogenesis of atherosclerosis by accumulating cholesterol through increased uptake of oxidized low-density lipoproteins by scavenger receptor CD36, leading to foam cell formation. Here we demonstrate the ability of hexarelin, a GH-releasing peptide, to enhance the expression of ATP-binding cassette A1 and G1 transporters and cholesterol efflux in macrophages. These effects were associated with a transcriptional activation of nuclear receptor peroxisome proliferator-activated receptor (PPAR)gamma in response to binding of hexarelin to CD36 and GH secretagogue-receptor 1a, the receptor for ghrelin. The hormone binding domain was not required to mediate PPARgamma activation by hexarelin, and phosphorylation of PPARgamma was increased in THP-1 macrophages treated with hexarelin, suggesting that the response to hexarelin may involve PPARgamma activation function-1 activity. However, the activation of PPARgamma by hexarelin did not lead to an increase in CD36 expression, as opposed to liver X receptor (LXR)alpha, suggesting a differential regulation of PPARgamma-targeted genes in response to hexarelin. Chromatin immunoprecipitation assays showed that, in contrast to a PPARgamma agonist, the occupancy of the CD36 promoter by PPARgamma was not increased in THP-1 macrophages treated with hexarelin, whereas the LXRalpha promoter was strongly occupied by PPARgamma in the same conditions. Treatment of apolipoprotein E-null mice maintained on a lipid-rich diet with hexarelin resulted in a significant reduction in atherosclerotic lesions, concomitant with an enhanced expression of PPARgamma and LXRalpha target genes in peritoneal macrophages. The response was strongly impaired in PPARgamma(+/-) macrophages, indicating that PPARgamma was required to mediate the effect of hexarelin. These findings provide a novel mechanism by which the beneficial regulation of PPARgamma and cholesterol metabolism in macrophages could be regulated by CD36 and ghrelin receptor downstream effects.

La conversion religieuse: un processus créatif

Les récits de conversion religieuse présentent plusieurs traits communs avec les récits de découvertes scientifiques (Aha-Erlebnisse, expériences de eurêka): événement instantané, exceptionnel, inattendu, marquant une rupture par rapport au passé. Or, il s'agit dans les deux cas de reconstructions a posteriori qui ont tendance à survaloriser le caractère instantané d'un événement au détriment du processus organisant la mise en place d'une nouvelle vision du monde. Howard Gruber l'a très bien montré dans son étude consacrée à Charles Darwin. Là où le récit autobiographique, formulé une quarantaine d'années après l'énoncé de la théorie de la sélection naturelle, donne l'impression d'une intuition subite, les carnets de notes, rédigés à l'époque où s'élabore la théorie, permettent de mettre en évidence un processus créatif qui s'étale sur près d'un an et demi. Ce constat peut être étendu aux récits de conversion religieuse. Le cas de Martin Luther en est une excellente illustration. Ce parallèle entre découverte scientifique et conversion religieuse jette un éclairage nouveau sur cette dernière: l'événement inattendu où tout bascule doit être articulé avec un processus psychologique qui le porte et même le décompose sur une durée bien plus longue que ce que la mémoire ne le reconstruit après-coup. Au point qu'il n'est pas exagéré de voir dans le récit d'une conversion religieuse, ne serait-ce que pour une part, l'expression de la créativité d'un sujet qui invente une solution au problème de sa vie.

Cleaning up neighbourhoods - Environmental Problems and Service Provision in Deprived areas

There has been growing concern that the quality of public services can be affected by the nature and scale of problems in deprived neighbourhoods and that poor services can contribute to a widening gap۪ between deprived and non-deprived neighbourhoods. There is also an increased emphasis within national policy on the quality of neighbourhood environments the so-called liveability۪ agenda. This report explores the challenges of delivering street scene۪ environmental services such as street sweeping and refuse collection in deprived and less deprived areas and examines the gap in environmental amenity between these different neighbourhoods. It also contributes to our understanding of the interplay between poor services and neighbourhood decline. The research involved a telephone survey of chief officers in local authority environmental service departments across the UK and detailed case studies of policy and practice in environmental service provision in four local authorities with significant levels of deprivation. Each case study involved work in three neighbourhoods within the authority two deprived and one less deprived as well as focus groups with residents and frontline environmental operatives, interviews with senior council staff and observation on the ground

ICT Skills Action Plan 2014-2018

In January 2012, in a direct response to specific skills shortages for people with high-level ICT skills, the Department of Education and Skills published a joint Government–industry ICT Action Plan aimed at building the supply of high-level ICT graduates. One of the key measures in the Plan was the roll-out, from March 2012, of more than 800 places on intensive NFQ level 8 higher diploma ICT skills conversion programmes by higher education providers in partnership with industry. In recognition of the ICT and software development skills shortages that continue to exist, a second phase of the ICT Skills Programme was rolled-out in late 2012, with the Higher Education Authority requesting proposals from higher education providers for a further round of specialist programmes aimed at addressing identified ICT and software development skills gaps. From spring 2013, a number of higher education providers are again offering a number of Level 8 Conversion Programmes, in collaboration with industry partners, which will provide graduates from other skills areas with the opportunity to up-skill or re-skill through a 1 year full-time HDip Conversion Programme in core computing/programming, software and data analysis.