Shakespeare, the Middle Ages and the Luck of the British: Medievalism and National Identity in The Hollow Crown (2012)

Images of the medieval past have long been fertile soil for the identity politics of subsequent periods. Rather than “authentically” reproducing the Middle Ages, medievalism therefore usually tells us more about the concerns and ideological climate of its own time and place of origin. To dramatise the nascent nation, Shakespeare resorts to medievalism in his history plays. Centuries later, the BBC-produced television mini-serial The Hollow Crown – adapting Shakespeare’s second histories tetralogy – revamps this negotiation of national identity for the “Cultural Olympiad” in the run-up to the 2012 London Olympics. In this context of celebratory introspection, The Hollow Crown weaves a genealogical narrative consisting of the increasingly “glorious” medieval history depicted and “national” Shakespearean heritage in order to valorise 21st-century “Britishness”. Encouraging a reading of the histories as medieval history, the films construct an ostensibly inclusive, liberal-minded national identity grounded in this history. Moreover, medieval kingship is represented in distinctly sentimentalising and humanising terms, fostering emotional identification especially with the no longer ambivalent Hal/Henry V and making him an apt model for present-day British grandeur. However, the fact that the films in return marginalise female, Scottish, Irish and Welsh characters gives rise to doubts as to whether this vision of Shakespeare’s Middle Ages really is, as the producers claimed, “for everybody”.

Zionism and world politics : a study in history and social psychology

by Horace Meyer Kallen

Transversal politics. Equality and difference in antiracist migrant protest

Transversale Politiken. Gleichheit und Differenz in antirassistischen migrantische Selbst-organisationen - Veronika Siegl Meine Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit transversalen Politiken in antirassistischen migrantischen Selbstorganisationen. Transversale Politik bezeichnet dabei eine Praxis der Zusammen-arbeit, die identitäre Kategorien zu überwinden versucht, aber Unterschiede zwischen einzelnen Personen oder Gruppen dennoch nicht negiert. Ausgangspunkt für meine Forschung ist insofern die Frage, wie MigrantInnen und MehrheitsösterreicherInnen gemeinsam über eine antirassistische Politik diskutieren und diese praktizieren können, ohne durch das Betonen von Differenz oder von Gleichheit rassistische Strukturen zu reproduzieren. Welche Strategien werden entwickelt? Wie wird mit Repräsentationsverhältnissen umgegangen? Gibt es ein kollektives „Wir“? Und: Was kann der Begriff MigrantIn für die politische Arbeit bedeuten? In Bezug auf die Fragen, die in der Ankündigung des Workshops aufgeworfen wurden, kann ich nach meinen Recherchen sagen, dass es in diesem Bereich noch relativ wenig Forschungen gibt. Schon allein zur antirassistischen Bewegung in Österreich gibt es sehr wenig Literatur, zu migrantischen Selbstorganisierungen noch weniger und zu Strategien transversaler Politik eigentlich gar nichts. Fragen der Differenz und Gleichheit werden im Allgemeinen oft nur auf einem sehr abstrakten Niveau geführt, empirische Erfahrungs-berichte, die einen Einblick geben, wie die Theorie in die Praxis umgesetzt werden kann, scheint es sehr wenig zu geben.

Digital goes politics: Einblick in die Schweizer ICT-Verbands und Politiklandschaft

Die Schweizer ICT-Verbands- und Politiklandschaft ist verworren. Der folgende Ueberblick ueber ICT-Verbaende, Lobbying-Organisationen, Politiker und ICT-Themen soll etwas Licht ins Dickicht bringen. Der Artikel hat weder Anspruch auf Vollstaendigkeit noch auf Neutralitaet, versucht aber dennoch einen moeglichst ausgeglichenen Einblick zu schaffen.

The Secular State Under Siege: Religion and Politics in Europe and America

Throughout human history, religion and politics have entertained the most intimate of connections as systems of authority regulating individuals and society. While the two have come apart through the process of secularization, secularism is challenged today by the return of public religion. This cogent analysis unravels the nature of the connection, disconnection, and attempted reconnection between religion and politics in the West. In a comparison of Western Europe and North America, Christianity and Islam, Joppke advances far-reaching theoretical, historical, and comparative-political arguments. With respect to theory, it is argued that only a “substantive” concept of religion, as pertaining to the existence of supra-human powers, opens up the possibility of a historical-comparative perspective on religion. At the level of history, secularization is shown to be the distinct outcome of Latin Christianity itself. And at the level of comparative politics, the Christian Right in America which has attacked the “wall of separation” between religion and state and Islam in Europe with the controversial insistence on sharia law and other “illiberal” claims from some quarters are taken to be counterpart incarnations of public religion and challenges to the secular state. This clearly argued, sweeping book will provide an invaluable framework for approaching an array of critical issues at the intersection of religion, law and politics for advanced students and researchers across the social sciences and legal studies, as well as for the interested public.

Debate over Fair Value Accounting: Should we allow Politics to take an active role in setting accounting standards or should we trust that the SEC knows best?

In light of the recent economic downfall, there has been significant media coverage on the topic of fair value accounting. There are many critics of the accounting rule, who place blame on it for the destruction of billions of dollars in capital between financial institutions. Other commentators, however, see the rule as necessary and applaud its ability to bring the turmoil in the economy into the spotlight promptly so that it could be addressed effectively. This paper will begin by conducting a study of fair-value accounting from its inception in previous standards and then follow it through to Statement No. 157. I will then discuss the SEC’s most recent study of FAS157 and their decision as a result of the study.

Food advertisements during children's television programming in 2007: Comparison with ads in 1994 and the 2005 dietary recommendations

Childhood overweight and obesity are two major public health problems that are of economic and medical concern in the world today (Lobstein, Baur, & Uauy, 2004). Overweight conditions in childhood are important because they are widely prevalent, serious, and carry lifetime consequences for health and well being (Lobstein et al., 2004). Several studies have shown an association between television viewing and obesity in all age groups (Caroli, Argentieri, Cardone, & Masi, 2004; Harper, 2006; Vandewater & Huang, 2006; Wiecha et al., 2006). One mechanism that potentially links television viewing to childhood obesity is food advertising (Story, 2003). ^ The purpose of this study was to examine the types of foods advertised on children's television programming and to determine if there have been any changes in the number and types of commercials over the last 13 years. In addition, the food content of the advertisements was compared to the 2005 Dietary Guidelines to determine if the foods targeted were consistent with the current recommendations. Finally, each television network was analyzed individually to determine any differences between advertising on cable and regular programming. ^ A descriptive analysis was conducted on the most commonly advertised commercials during children's television programming on Saturday morning from 7 a.m. to 10:30 a.m. A total of 10 major television networks were viewed on three different Saturday mornings during June and July 2007. Commercial advertising accounted for approximately 19% of children's total viewing time. Of the 3,185 commercials, 28.5% were for foods, 67.7% were for non-food items, and 3.8% were PSAs. On average, there were 30 commercial advertisements and PSAs per hour, of which approximately nine were for food. ^ Of the 907 food advertisements, 72.0% were for foods classified in the fats, oils, and sugar group. The next largest group (17.3%) was for restaurant food of which 15.3% were for unhealthy/fast food restaurant fare. The most frequently advertised food product on Saturday morning television was regular cereal, accounting for 43.9% of all food advertisements. ^ Cable and regular programming stations varied slightly in the amount, length, and category of commercials. Cable television had about 50% less commercials and PSAs (1098) than regular programming (2087), but only had approximately 150 minutes less total commercial and PSA time; therefore, cable, in general, had longer commercials than regular programming. Overall, cable programming had more advertisements encouraging increased physical activity and positive nutrition behavior with less commercials focusing on the fats, oils, and sugar groups, compared to regular programming. ^ During the last 13 years, food advertisements have not improved, despite the recent IOM report on marketing foods to children (Institute of Medicine-Committee on Food Marketing and the Diets of Children and Youth, 2005), although the frequency of food advertisements has improved slightly. Children are now viewing an average of one food advertisement every 7 minutes, compared to one food advertisement every 5 minutes in 1994 (Kotz & Story, 1994). Therefore, manufacturers are putting a greater emphasis on advertising other products to children. Despite the recent attention to the issue of marketing unhealthy foods to children through television advertisements, not much progress has been noted since 1994. Further advocacy and regulatory issues concerning the content of advertisements during Saturday morning TV need to be explored. ^