720 resultados para Stoph, Willy


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The history of Castanea sativa (sweet chestnut) cultivation since medieval times has been well described on the basis of the very rich documentation available. Far fewer attempts have been made to give a historical synthesis of the events that led to the cultivation of sweet chestnut in much earlier times. In this article we attempt to reconstruct this part of the European history of chestnut cultivation and its early diffusion by use of different sources of information, such as pollen studies, archaeology, history and literature. Using this multidisciplinary approach, we have tried to identify the roles of the Greek and Roman civilizations in the dissemination of chestnut cultivation on a European scale. In particular, we show that use of the chestnut for food was not the primary driving force behind the introduction of the tree into Europe by the Romans. Apart from the Insubrian Region in the north of the Italian peninsula, no other centre of chestnut cultivation existed in Europe during the Roman period. The Romans may have introduced the idea of systematically cultivating and using chestnut. In certain cases they introduced the species itself; however no evidence of systematic planting of chestnut exists. The greatest interest in the management of chestnut for fruit production most probably developed after the Roman period and can be associated with the socio-economic structures of medieval times. It was then that self-sufficient cultures based on the cultivation of chestnut as a source of subsistence were formed.

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Pollen and macrofossils were analyzed at two sites above today's treeline (or tree limit) in the Swiss Central Alps (Gouillé Loéré, 2503 m a.s.l., and Lengi Egga, 2557 m a.s.l.) to test two contrasting hypotheses about the natural formation of timberline (the upper limit of closed forest) in the Alps. Our results revealed that Pinus cembra--Larix decidua forests near timberline were rather closed between 9000 and 2500 B.C. (9600-4000 14C yr BP), when timberline fluctuations occurred within a belt 100-150 m above today's tree limit. The treeline ecocline above timberline was characterized by the mixed occurrence of tree, shrub, dwarf-shrub, and herbaceous species, but it did not encompass more than 100-150 altitudinal meters. The uppermost limit reached by timberline and treeline during the Holocene was ca. 2420 and 2530 m, respectively, i.e., about 120 to 180 m higher than today. Between 3500 and 2500 B.C. (4700-4000 14C yr BP) timberline progressively sank by about 300 m, while treeline was lowered only ca. 100 m. This change led to an enlargement of the treeline-ecocline belt (by ca. 300 m) after 2500 B.C. (4000 14C yr BP). Above the treeline ecocline, natural meadows dominated by dwarf shrubs (e.g., Salix herbacea) and herbaceous species (e.g., Helianthemum, Taraxacum, Potentialla, Leontodon t., Cerastium alpinum t., Cirsium spinosissimum, Silene exscapa t., and Saxifraga stellaris) have been present since at least 11,000 cal yr ago. In these meadows tree and tall shrub species (>0.5 m) never played a major role. These results support the conventional hypothesis of a narrow ecocline with rather sharp upper timberline and treeline boundaries and imply that today's treeless alpine communities in the Alps are close to a natural stage. Pollen (percentages and influx), stomata, and charcoal data may be useful for determining whether or not a site was treeless. Nevertheless, a reliable and detailed record of past local vegetation near and above timberline is best achieved through the inclusion of macrofossil analysis.

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We synthesize recent results from lake-sediment studies of Holocene fire-climate-vegetation interactions in Alaskan boreal ecosystems. At the millennial time scale, the most robust feature of these records is an increase in fire occurrence with the establishment of boreal forests dominated by Picea mariana: estimated mean fire-return intervals decreased from ≥300 yrs to as low as ∼80 yrs. This fire-vegetation relationship occurred at all sites in interior Alaska with charcoal-based fire reconstructions, regardless of the specific time of P. mariana arrival during the Holocene. The establishment of P. mariana forests was associated with a regional climatic trend toward cooler/wetter conditions. Because such climatic change should not directly enhance fire occurrence, the increase in fire frequency most likely reflects the influence of highly flammable P. mariana forests, which are more conducive to fire ignition and spread than the preceding vegetation types (tundra, and woodlands/forests dominated by Populus or Picea glauca). Increased lightning associated with altered atmospheric circulation may have also played a role in certain areas where fire frequency increased around 4000 calibrated years before present (BP) without an apparent increase in the abundance of P. mariana. When viewed together, the paleo-fire records reveal that fire histories differed among sites in the same modern fire regime and that the fire regime and plant community similar to those of today became established at different times. Thus the spatial array of regional fire regimes was non-static through the Holocene. However, the patterns and causes of the spatial variation remain largely unknown. Advancing our understanding of climate-fire-vegetation interactions in the Alaskan boreal biome will require a network of charcoal records across various ecoregions, quantitative paleoclimate reconstructions, and improved knowledge of how sedimentary charcoal records fire events.

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How rapidly does forest vegetation change due to rapid climatic change? Current predictions of future climates show a global increase of mean temperatures of 1.4 to 5.8 °C. How rapidly can forest vegetation adapt to such predicted large changes, and in which way? We looked for answers in three different disciplines: ecological modelling, palaeoecology and succession theory. We found that changes of forest vegetation after rapid climatic changes can be continuous or abrupt. Rapid or abrupt changes may result within years to decades, among others, from marked drought as a direct effect of climate warming, limiting tree growth in the driest parts of Switzerland within a few years or decades. Indirectly, climate warming affects forest vegetation by forest fires, windstorms and, consequently, insect outbreaks. Questions relevant to forestry arise from these considerations: What is the most suitable combination of tree species for which management should aim in the future, and how do we adequately manage protection forests so that they can resist or adapt to the climatic change?

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New palaeoecological investigations (pollen, macrofossil, and charcoal analyses) provide important evidence on the fire history and the long-term fire ecology of different regions of Switzerland. The results from the Swiss plateau, the Northern and Central Alps and Southern Switzerland suggest that fire played a different role for the long-term vegetational development in the different regions. In the Northern Alps and Southern Switzerland anthropogenic fires led to the disappearance of entire forest communities. These fires especially affected the fire-sensitive species Abies alba. On the Swiss Plateau fire frequencies were markedly lower than in the Southern Alps. Nevertheless, fires probably led to a decline in the occurrence of fire-sensitive taxa such as Ulmus, Fraxinus excelsior or Tilia at lower altitudes (Fagus silvatica-Quercus belt). First evidences from the Central Alps suggest that forest fires were naturally more frequent in this continental region and that the vegetation might be better fire-adapted than the original (partly or completely vanished) plant communities of the Swiss Plateau, the Northern Alps and Southern Switzerland.

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Pollen analytical studies of four radiocarbon dated sediment records from Switzerland suggest distinct phases of forest clearances and intensified land use from 1450–1250 BC, 650–450 BC, 50 BC–100 AD, and around 700 AD. These land use expansions coincided with periods of warm climate as recorded by Alpine dendroclimatic and Greenland oxygen isotope records. Our results suggest that harvest yields increased synchronously over wide areas of central and southern Europe during periods of warm and dry climate. Positive long-term trends in pollen values of Cerealia and Plantago lanceolata indicate that technical innovations during the Bronze and Iron Ages (e.g. metal ploughs, scythes, hay production, fertilizing methods) gradually increased agricultural productivity. However, our data imply that human societies were not able to compensate rapidly for harvest failures when the climate deteriorated. Agriculture in marginal areas was abandoned, and spontaneous reforestations took place on unoccupied land both north and south of the Alps.

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Rainfall erosivities as defined by the R factor from the universal soil loss equation were determined for all events during a two-year period at the station La Cuenca in western Amazonia. Three methods based on a power relationship between rainfall amount and erosivity were then applied to estimate event and daily rainfall erosivities from the respective rainfall amounts. A test of the resulting regression equations against an independent data set proved all three methods equally adequate in predicting rainfall erosivity from daily rainfall amount. We recommend the Richardson model for testing in the Amazon Basin, and its use with the coefficient from La Cuenca in western Amazonia.

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Il paesaggio attuale è un'eredità del passato.Solo chi conosce e capisce il passato è in grado di gestire il futuro.Lo studio dell'evoluzione naturale passata è utile quindi non solo per la comprensione dell'origine del nostro ambiente,ma anche per la pianificazione della gestione futura.Solo da pochi decenni si è per esempio riusciti a capire che gli estesi castagneti del Sud delle Alpi non hanno origine naturale,ma sono dovuti alla mano dell'uomo,che, al tempo della colonizzazione romana,ha iniziato a coltivare il castagno in maniera sistematica. Ma come è possibile ricostruire vicende della natura tanto remote? Sul fondo dei laghi e nelle torbiere i resti fossili di vegetali (p.es.polline e microcarboni) e di animali si sono accumulati nel corso dei millenni, rimanendo inalterati a causa della mancanza di ossigeno e quindi di organismi distruttori. Attraverso la trivellazione e l'analisi in laboratorio degli strati di questi sedimenti è possibile ricostruire il tipo di polline (e per analogia di vegetazione) e la frequenza di microcarboni (e quindi di incendi di bosco) che si sono succeduti nel corso dei millenni. E' quanto è stato fatto nel corso dell'ultimo decennio da parte dell'Università di Berna nei Laghi di Origlio e di Muzzano,ottenendo risultati interessanti e per certi versi anche inaspettati. A partire dal 5.500 a.C.la frequenza degli incendi è aumentata a causa dell'azione dell'uomo:i primi contadini delle nostre terre utilizzavano infatti il fuoco come mezzo per eliminare la foresta e guadagnare spazi aperti per l'agricoltura e l'allevamento del bestiame.Una pratica che nel corso dei millenni ha provocato anche una forte selezione della vegetazione arborea,distruggendo le foreste originali. La trasformazione del paesaggio forestale da parte dell'uomo non è quindi un fenomeno limitato agli ultimi 2.000 anni,ma ha le proprie radici nel Neolitico,oltre 7.000 anni orsono.Nel periodo del Ferro (800-15 a.C.),l'utilizzo del fuoco nella gestione del paesaggio diventa una pratica molto ricorrente, come dimostrano i picchi estremi della frequenza dei microcarboni.Bisognerà attendere l'introduzione del castagno durante l'Epoca Romana per assistere a un netto cambiamento di approccio:i castagneti diventano boschi di reddito da gestire senza l'aiuto del fuoco. A partire da questo momento,la frequenza degli incendi diminuisce drasticamente. Grazie a questi studi è stato quindi possibile capire l'origine della nostra attuale copertura boschiva e intuire quali sarebbero senza l'intervento dell'uomo le specie dominanti nei nostri boschi. Informazioni di estrema importanza per una futura gestione selvicolturale in sintonia con la natura.

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Este trabajo se sumerge en el terreno de la transtextualidad (Genette, 1989) en el análisis de dos libros-álbum del laureado artista inglés Anthony Browne. El libro-álbum es un género relativamente nuevo, fruto de la posmodernidad y terreno fértil para la experimentación, cuya característica principal es la intención cooperativa del texto escrito y la imagen para la construcción de significados, lo que trae aparejado un lector implícito dispuesto a asumir un rol activo para, a partir de lo que expresan tanto lo escrito como lo ilustrado, llegar a co-crear un mensaje. ;La obra de Browne rebosa en referencias, préstamos, alusiones y deudas tanto de las artes visuales como de la literatura. Uno de los mecanismos principales que utiliza tanto en sus textos como en sus imágenes es la puesta en relación de estos con otras obras tanto literarias como visuales, pero también con otros medios (cine, televisión, revistas, periódicos). Tomando como punto de partida una estética cuyo origen es el libro para niños, va más allá, complejiza una invitación a los sentidos y ofrece diferentes capas de significado que serán descodificadas de diversos modos acorde a la experiencia del destinatario, el cual es doble (niños y adultos). ;Nuestro objetivo en este caso es analizar en sus libros En el Bosque (Into the Forest, 2004) y Willy el Soñador (Willy the Dreamer, 1997) el uso de dos mecanismos de la transtextualidad: la intertextualidad y la hipertextualidad (y dentro de esta, principalmente, la parodia). Respecto del primer libro, estudiaremos las conexiones intertextuales establecidas desde el texto escrito y el ilustrado con los cuentos tradicionales como "La Caperucita Roja", "Hansel y Gretel", etc. Y respecto del segundo, observaremos cómo las ilustraciones parodian obras famosas de las artes visuales, muchas de ellas de René Magritte, y hacen guiños sobre relatos muy conocidos como, por ejemplo, Alicia en el país de las maravillas (1863), de Lewis Carrol. ;Desde el ámbito de la Literatura Comparada, en su aspecto abarcativo de otras artes que se relacionan con la literatura, la interpelan e incluso la modifican, proponemos una mirada sobre un género que, debido a su novedad, no ha sido muy estudiado, y una especial atención a la literatura para niños, la cual suele no ser tenida en cuenta en los estudios sobre literatura en general