825 resultados para Social groups
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Abstract OBJECTIVE The aim of this paper is to understand the experience of smokers in view of unsuccessful attempts to quit smoking. METHOD This study is based on social phenomenology. Between November and December of 2014, nine interviews were conducted with people that had attempted to quit smoking. The content of these interviews was analyzed and discussed based on the related literature. RESULTS Unsuccessful attempts to quit smoking are related to tobacco addiction; cigarettes are seen as a support to cope with everyday stressful situations. Attempts to quit the smoking habits were based on the need of health improvement and insistence of family and friends. Smokers reported the use of habit cessation strategies learned in support groups, but they also express expectation of specialized psychological support. CONCLUSION The study points out the need to expand the strategies of approaching smokers, and reinforcing psychological support in order to achieve success in the attempt to quit smoking.
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We propose a positive theory that is consistent with two important featuresof social security programs around the world: (1) they redistributeincome from young to old and (2) they induce retirement. We construct avoting model that includes a political campaign or debate prior to theelection. The model incorporates single-mindedness of the groups that donot work: while the workers divide their political capital between their age concerns and occupational concerns , the retired concentrate alltheir political capital to support their age group. In our model, theelderly end up getting transfers from the government (paid by the young)and distortionary labor income taxes induce the retirement of the elderly.In addition, our model predicts that occupational groups that work morewill tend to have more political power. The opposite is true fornon-occupational groups (such as the elderly). We provide some evidencethat supports these additional predictions.
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Why are Bismarckian social security systems associated with largerpublic pension expenditures, a smaller fraction of private pension andlower income in-equality than Beveridgean systems? These facts arepuzzling for political economy theories of social security whichpredict that Beveridgean systems, involving intra-generationalredistribution, should enjoy larger support among low-income people andthus be larger. This paper explains these features in a bidimensionalpolitical economy model. In an economy with three income groups,low-income support a large, redistributive system; middle-income favoran earning-related system, while high-income oppose any public system,since they have access to a superior saving technology, a privatesystem. We show that, if income inequality is large, the voting majorityof high-income and low-income supports a (small) Beveridgean system,and a large private pillar arises; the opposite occurs with lowinequality. Additionally, when the capital market provides higherreturns, a Beveridgean system is more likely to emerge.
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This work contributes to an understanding of how the existence of multiple ethnic- cultural belongings in the political community concurs with the maintenance of a socially cohesive and politically united community. Considering the immigration reality in Portugal, we tried to identify the bonds that link immigrants to the political community and how those bonds can be mobilized to integrate immigrants in a common living project inside the national territory. Methodologically, this investigation is based in a qualitative and quantitative analysis of the policies and measures applied in Portugal in the immigration sphere, as well as the results of the empirical work we carried out with two immigration groups (Brazilians and Cape Verdeans) living in Lisbon’s metropolitan area, and the answers to a survey we sent to immigrant associations. The results of this research revealed the existence of a certain political ambivalence concerning the immigrant integration process, which expresses itself to a certain degree in the way national citizens and immigrants appraise the immigrant contribution to Portuguese society. The prevailing and blurred idea states that immigration expenses don’t make up for the benefits, and that is likely to influence the mutual relationship established between the two. Despite the existence of objective situations of social and economic disparity and despite a feeling of discrimination shared between immigrants, it is possible to identify a progressive citizenship universalization and the formal acceptance of immigrant religious and cultural traditions, even though the Portuguese parliament does not reflect such diversity. Thus, we perceive the possibility of warranting specific ethnic and cultural minority rights without the ethnicization or culturalization of political representation, and the general standards that serve as a backbone to the national political community might be enough to warrant that protection. Notwithstanding, some signs suggest that immigrant access to public sphere might not be easy, and this might have repercussions in the visibility and in the public discussion of demands, with outcomes on the type of integration policies Portugal applies.
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The population-genetic consequences of monogamy and male philopatry (a rare breeding system in mammals) were investigated using microsatellite markers in the semisocial and anthropophilic shrew Crocidura russula. A hierarchical sampling design over a 16-km geographical transect revealed a large genetic diversity (h = 0.813) with significant differentiation among subpopulations (F-ST = 5-6%), which suggests an exchange of 4.4 migrants per generation. Demic effective-size estimates were very high, due both to this limited gene inflow and to the inner structure of subpopulations. These were made of 13-20 smaller units (breeding groups), comprising an estimate of four breeding pairs each. Members of the same breeding groups displayed significant coancestries (F-LS = 9-10%), which was essentially due to strong male kinship: syntopic males were on average related at the half-sib level. Female dispersal among breeding groups was not complete (similar to 39%), and insufficient to prevent inbreeding. From our results, the breeding strategy of C. russula seems less efficient than classical mammalian systems (polygyny and male dispersal) in disentangling coancestry from inbreeding, but more so in retaining genetic variance.
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O presente trabalho é um contributo para entender em que medida a existência de múltiplas pertenças étnico-culturais na comunidade política é conciliável com a manutenção de uma comunidade socialmente coesa e politicamente unitária. Tendo em conta a realidade imigratória em Portugal, procurou-se saber quais os laços que ligam os imigrantes à comunidade política e em que medida eles podem ser mobilizados para a integração dos imigrantes num projecto comum de vivência em território nacional. Metodologicamente, este trabalho tem por base a análise qualitativa e quantitativa das políticas e medidas adoptados em Portugal em matéria de imigração, bem como, os resultados do trabalho empírico por nós realizado junto de dois grupos de imigrantes (brasileiros e cabo-verdianos) residentes na área metropolitana de Lisboa, assim como os resultados de um questionário enviado às associações de imigrantes. Os resultados da pesquisa apontam para a existência de uma certa ambivalência política no processo de integração dos imigrantes, a qual se reflecte de algum modo na forma como os nacionais e os imigrantes valorizam o contributo dos imigrantes para a sociedade portuguesa, sobressaindo uma ideia difusa generalizada de que os custos da imigração não compensam os seus benefícios, o que provavelmente afectará o relacionamento recíproco. Apesar de situações objectivas de desigualdade social e económica e da percepção de discriminação existente entre os imigrantes, é possível identificar uma progressiva universalização da cidadania e a aceitação formal das tradições religiosas e culturais dos imigrantes, mesmo não sendo o parlamento português representativo dessa diversidade. Deste modo, afigura-se ser possível assegurar direitos específicos de protecção das minorias étnicas e culturais sem que seja necessária a etnicização ou a culturalização da representação política e os princípios gerais que estruturam a comunidade política nacional poderão ser suficientes para assegurar essa protecção. No entanto, existem indícios que sugerem que o acesso dos imigrantes à esfera pública poderá não ser fácil, o que se poderá traduzir na visibilidade e na discussão pública das suas reivindicações, com consequências a nível do tipo de políticas de integração adoptadas em Portugal.
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Ants live in organized societies with a marked division of labor among workers, but little is known about how this division of labor is generated. We used a tracking system to continuously monitor individually tagged workers in six colonies of the ant Camponotus fellah over 41 days. Network analyses of more than 9 million interactions revealed three distinct groups that differ in behavioral repertoires. Each group represents a functional behavioral unit with workers moving from one group to the next as they age. The rate of interactions was much higher within groups than between groups. The precise information on spatial and temporal distribution of all individuals allowed us to calculate the expected rates of within- and between-group interactions. These values suggest that the network of interaction within colonies is primarily mediated by age-induced changes in the spatial location of workers.
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166 countries have some kind of public old age pension. What economic forcescreate and sustain old age Social Security as a public program? We document some of the internationally and historically common features of Social Security programs including explicit and implicit taxes on labor supply, pay-as-you-go features, intergenerational redistribution, benefits which areincreasing functions of lifetime earnings and not means-tested. We partition theories of Social Security into three groups: "political", "efficiency" and "narrative" theories. We explore three political theories in this paper: the majority rational voting model (with its two versions: "the elderly as the leaders of a winning coalition with the poor" and the "once and for all election" model), the "time-intensive model of political competition" and the "taxpayer protection model". Each of the explanations is compared with the international and historical facts. A companion paper explores the "efficiency" and "narrative" theories, and derives implicationsof all the theories for replacing the typical pay-as-you-go system with a forced savings plan.
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In this paper we argue that corporate social responsibility (CSR) to various stakeholders(customers, shareholders, employees, suppliers, and community) has a positive effect on globalbrand equity (BE). In addition, policies aimed at satisfying community interests help reinforcecredibility to social responsible polices with other stakeholders. We test these theoreticalcontentions using panel data comprised of 57 global brands originating from 10 countries (USA,Japan, South Korea, France, UK, Italy, Germany, Finland, Switzerland and the Netherlands) forthe period 2002 to 2008. Our findings show that CSR to each of the stakeholder groups has apositive impact on global BE. In addition, global brands that follow local social responsibilitypolicies over communities obtain strong positive benefits in terms of the generation of BE, as itenhances the positive effects of CSR to other stakeholders, particularly to customers. Therefore,for managers of global brands it is particularly productive for generating brand value to combineglobal strategies with the satisfaction of the interests of local communities.
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Why are the old politically successful? We build a simple interest group model in which political pressure is time-intensive, showing that in the political competitive equilibrium each group lobbies for government policies that lower their own value of time but the old do so to a greater extent and as a result are net gainers from the political process. What distinguishes the elderly from other political groups (and what makes them more succesful) is that they have lower labor productivity and/or that we are all likely to become elderly at some point, while we are relatively unlikely to change gender, race, sexual orientation, or even ocupation, The model has a variety of implications for the design of social security programs, which we test using data from the Social Security Administration. For example, the model predicts that social security programs with retirement incentives are larger and that the old are more "single-minded" in their politics, implications which we verify using cross-country government finance data and cross-country political participation surveys. Finally, we show that the forced savings programs intended to "reform" the social security system may increase the amount of intergenerational redistribution. As a model for evaluating policy reforms, ours has the attractive feature that reforms must be time time consistent from a political point of view rather than a public interest point of view.
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Social wasp species of Mischocyttarus (Phi) related to M. alfkenii (Ducke) and M. paraguayensis Zikán (Hymenoptera, Vespidae, Polistinae). A revision of the taxonomic status and an identification key are presented for species of the genus Mischocyttarus related to M. alfkenii (Ducke) and M. paraguayensis Zikán. Seven new species are proposed in the alfkenii and basimacula groups (M. achagua sp. nov.; M. arawak sp. nov.; M. awa sp. nov.; M. embera sp. nov.; M. muisca sp. nov.; M. uniformis sp. nov.; M. waunan sp. nov.), with five new synonymies [M. mamirauae Raw = M. alfkenii (Ducke); M. alfkenii excrucians Richards = M. flavicornis nigricornis Zikán = M. flavicornis Zikán; M. basimacula superpictus Richards = M. basimacula (Cameron)]. Specific status is also newly recognized for M. trinitatis Richards. Two new species are described in the paraguayensis and bahiae group (M. suzannae sp. nov.; M. tayacaja sp. nov.), while fifteen new synonymies are proposed (M. aracatubaensis Zikán = M. araujoi Zikán = M. costalimai Zikán = M. gilvus Zikán = M. infrastrigatoides Zikán = M. infrastrigatus Zikán = M. infrastrigatus Zikán = M. ornatulus Zikán = M. riograndensis Richards = M. rivulorum Richards = M. schrottkyi Zikán = M. scitulus Zikán = M. similaris Zikán = M. similatus Zikán = M. paraguayensis Zikán). These numbers change the picture of diversity in these species groups, as partly found in Richards's revision, published in 1978, reflecting higher diversity in northern Andean areas than in the Brazilian Atlantic region.
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Le but de cette thèse est d'étudier l'impact d'une appartenance groupale jouissant d'un supérieur dans la hiérarchie sociale sur la volonté de participer à des actions collectives en faveur d'une appartenance groupale désavantagée. Selon la Théorie de l'Identité Sociale, les individus sont en effet membres de plusieurs groupes simultanément, qui constituent autant d'identités sociales potentielles. Comme l'ont montré les recherches en sociologie du genre s'inscrivant dans le courant intersectionnel, les diverses catégories sociales auxquelles une personne appartient peuvent se trouver dans des positions différentes dans la hiérarchie sociale, plaçant ainsi les individus à l'intersection de divers rapports de domination. Toutefois, ces rapports ne sont pas indépendants les uns des autres, mais interagissent et contribuent conjointement à construire une façon spécifique de vivre et de percevoir l'expérience de la domination. Globalement, notre thèse montre que lorsque deux endogroupes dotés de statuts différents sont simultanément saillants, les individus tendent à agir prioritairement en accord avec les intérêts de l'endogroupe dont le statut est le plus élevé, au détriment de l'endogroupe dont le statut est le plus bas : les individus tendent en effet à adhérer à des idéologies qui contribuent à légitimer le maintien des inégalités intergroupes, ce qui a pour conséquence de réduire leur volonté de participer à des actions collectives en faveur de leur endogroupe de statut inférieur. - This thesis focuses on the impact of a high status ingroup on willingness to participate in collective action in favour of a low status ingroup. According to Social Identity Theory, individuals are members of various groups, each of which is a potential social identity. Moreover, the feminist sociological theory of intersectionality suggests that these various ingroups can occupy different positions in social hierarchies, placing individuals at the intersection of various relations of domination. However, these relations do not act independently of one another, but interrelate, and shape a specific way to live and perceive the experiences of domination. On the whole, our thesis shows that when two ingroups with different statuses are salient, people tend to acts uppermost in compliance with the higher status group interest, to the detriment of the lower status group : Indeed, people tend to agree with ideologies that contribute to legitimate the perpetuation of intergroup inequalities. Consequently their willingness to participate in collective action in favor of their low-status group is reduced.
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We investigate dynamics of public perceptions of the 2009 H1N1 influenza pandemic to understand changing patterns of sense-making and blame regarding the outbreak of emerging infectious diseases. We draw on social representation theory combined with a dramaturgical perspective to identify changes in how various collectives are depicted over the course of the pandemic, according to three roles: heroes, villains and victims. Quantitative results based on content analysis of three cross-sectional waves of interviews show a shift from mentions of distant collectives (e.g., far-flung countries) at Wave 1 to local collectives (e.g., risk groups) as the pandemic became of more immediate concern (Wave 2) and declined (Wave 3). Semi-automated content analysis of media coverage shows similar results. Thematic analyses of the discourse associated with collectives revealed that many were consistently perceived as heroes, villains and victims.
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This article reviews research on policy attitudes and ideological values from the perspective of social representations theory. In the first part of the paper, key features of lay political thinking are presented, its pragmatic imperative, its focus on communication and the social functions of shared knowledge. Objectification transforms abstract and group-neutral ideological values into concrete and socially useful knowledge, in particular stereotypes of value-conforming and value-violating groups. Such shared understandings of intergroup relations provide citizens with common reference knowledge which provides the cognitive and cultural basis of policy attitudes. Social representations theory further suggests that lay knowledge reflects the social context in which it has been elaborated (anchoring), an aspect which allows conceptualising aggregate-level differences in policy attitudes. In the second part of the paper, a model of lay conceptions of social order is outlined which organises four shared conceptions of social order, along with the stereotype-based thinking associated with each conception: Moral order, Free Market, Social diversity and Structural inequality. We conclude by arguing that policy attitudes are symbolic devices expressed to justify or to challenge existing social arrangements.
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BACKGROUND: Few European studies have investigated how cardiovascular risk factors (CRF) in adults relate to those observed in younger generations. OBJECTIVE: To explore this issue in a Swiss region using two population health surveys of 3636 adolescents ages 9-19 years and 3299 adults ages 25-74 years. METHODS: Age patterns of continuous CRF were estimated by robust locally weighted regression and those of high-risk groups were calculated using adult criteria with appropriate adjustment for children. RESULTS: Gender differences in height, weight, blood pressure, and HDL cholesterol observed in adults were found to emerge in adolescents. Overweight, affecting 10-12% of adolescents, was increasing steeply in young adults (three times among males and twice among females) in parallel with inactivity. Median age at smoking initiation was decreasing rapidly from 18 to 20 years in young adults to 15 in adolescents. A statistically significant social gradient in disfavor of the lower education level was observed for overweight in all age groups of women above 16 (odds ratios (ORs) 2.4 to 3.3, P < 0.01), for inactivity in adult males (ORs 1.6 to 2.0, P < 0.05), and for regular smoking in older adolescents (OR 1.9 for males, 2.7 for females, P < 0.005), but not for elevated blood pressure. CONCLUSION: Discontinuities in the cross-sectional age patterns of CRF indicated the emergence of a social gradient and the need for preventive actions against the early adoption of persistent unhealthy behaviors, to which low-educated girls and women are particularly exposed.