The global race for talent: Europe's migration challenge. Bruegel Policy Brief 2014/02, March 2014

In an ageing world with demographic and economic imbalances, the number of international migrants is likely to rise during the twenty-first century. The geography of migration flows is changing, however. Mobile people will be increasingly attracted by faster-growing economies. Therefore, some traditional destinations in western Europe will face stronger competition for skilled labour-not least from countries like China where the working-age population will shrink after 2020. At the same time, the sentiment in many European receiving societies is turning against migration and intra-European Union mobility.

Turkey's economy: a story of success with an uncertain future. OSW Commentary No. 120, 2013-11-05

In the decade since the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power, Turkey’s economy has become synonymous with success and well-implemented reforms. Economic development has been the basis of both socio-political stability inside the country and of an ambitious foreign policy agenda pursued by the AKP. However, the risks associated with a series of unresolved issues are becoming increasingly apparent. These include the country’s current account deficit, its over-reliance on short-term external financing, and unfinished reforms, for example of the education sector. This leaves Turkey exposed to over-dependence on investors, especially from the West. Consequently, Ankara has become a hostage of its own image as an economically successful state with a stable socio-political system. Any changes to this image would cause capital flight, as exemplified by the outflow of portfolio investment1 and an increase in the cost of external debt2 that followed the nationwide protests over the proposed closure of Gezi Park last summer. In addition, Turkey remains vulnerable to potential changes in investor sentiment towards emerging markets.

Mutual recognition in goods and services: an economic perspective. Bruges European Economic Policy (BEEP) Briefing 2/2002

Mutual recognition is a remarkable innovation facilitating economic intercourse across borders. In the EU's internal goods market it has been helpful in tackling or avoiding the remaining obstacles, namely, regulatory barriers between Member States. However, there is a curious paradox. Despite the almost universal acclaim of the great merits of mutual recognition the principle has, in and by itself, contributed only modestly to the actual realisation of free movement in the single market. It is also surprising that economists have not or hardly underpinned their widespread appreciation for the principle by providing rigorous analysis which could substantiate the case for mutual recognition for policy makers. Business in Europe has shown a sense of disenc hantment with the principle because of the many costs and uncertainties in its application in actual practice. The purpose of the present paper is to provide the economic and strategic arguments for employing mutual recognition much more systematically in the single market for goods and services. The strategic and the "welfare" gains are analysed and adetailed exposition of the fairly high information , transaction and compliance costs is provided. The information costs derive from the fact that mutual recognition remains a distant abstraction for day-to-day business life. Understandably, verifying the "equivalence" of objectives of health and safety between Member States is perceived as difficult and uncertain. This sentiment is exacerbated by the complications of interpreting the equivalence of "effects". In actual practice, these abstractions are expected to override clear and specific national product or services rules, which local inspectors or traders may find problematic without guidance. The paper enumerates several other costs including, inter alia, the absence of sectoral rule books and the next-to-prohibitive costs of monitoring of the application of the principle. The basic problems in applying mutual recognition in the entire array of services are inspected, showing why the principle can only be used in a limited number of services markets and even there it may contribute only modestly to genuine free movement and competitive exposure. A special section is devoted to a range of practical illustrations of the difficulties business experiences when relying on mutual recognition. Finally, the corollary of mutual recognition - regulatory competition - is discussed in terms of a cost/benefits analysis compared to what is often said to be the alternative , that is "harmonisation" , in EU parlance the "new approach" to approximation. The conclusion is that the manifold benefits of mutual recognition for Europe are too great to allow the present ambiguities to continue. The Union needs much more pro-active approaches to reduce the costs of mutual recognition as well as permanent monitoring structures for its application to services (analogous to those already successfully functioning in goods markets). Above all, what is required is a "mutual recognition culture" so that the EU can better enjoy the fruits of its own regulatory ingenuity.

The Eurozone crisis and the erosion of democratic legitimacy: Lessons from the gold standard. ACES Cases No. 2013.3

This paper makes four propositions. First, it argues that the euro’s institutional design makes it function like the interwar gold exchange standard during periods of stress. Just like the gold exchange standard during the 1930s, the euro created a ‘core’ of surplus countries and a ‘periphery’ of deficit countries. The latter have to sacrifice their internal domestic economic equilibrium in order to restore their external equilibrium, and therefore have no choice but to respond to balance of payments crises by a series of deflationary spending, price and wage cuts. The paper’s second claim is that the euro’s institutional design and the EU’s response to its ‘sovereign debt crisis’ during 2010-13 deepened the recession in the Eurozone periphery, as EMU leaders focused almost exclusively on austerity measures and structural reforms and paid only lip service to the need to rebalance growth between North and South. As Barry Eichengreen argued in Golden Fetters, the rigidity of the gold standard contributed to the length and depth of the Great Depression during the 1930s, but also underscored the incompatibility of the system with legitimate national democratic government in places like Italy, Germany, and Spain, which is the basis for the paper’s third proposition: the euro crisis instigated a crisis of democratic government in Southern Europe underlining that democratic legitimacy still mainly resides within the borders of nation states. By adopting the euro, EMU member states gave up their ability to control major economic policy decisions, thereby damaging their domestic political legitimacy, which in turn dogged attempts to enact structural reforms. Evidence of the erosion of national democracy in the Eurozone periphery can be seen in the rise of anti-establishment parties, and the inability of traditional center-left and center-right parties to form stable governments and implement reforms. The paper’s fourth proposition is that the euro’s original design and the Eurozone sovereign debt crisis further widened the existing democratic deficit in the European Union, as manifested in rising anti-EU and anti-euro sentiment, as well as openly Eurosceptic political movements, not just in the euro periphery, but also increasingly in the euro core.

Towards Explaining Anti-Foreign Violence in Germany. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 04.8 (Series 53), 1993

Gennany has recently witnessed a vast increase in anti-foreign violence. Assembling data from a wide variety of recent research, the paper addresses two basic questions: to what extent is the outburst of xenophobic attacks a German peculiarity? and what are the explanations for the mcreasing violence? An analysis of criminal statistics of various European countries and of comparative opinion polls in the European Community shows that Germany has indeed witnessed a growth of anti-foreign sentiment, and a level of violence that is conspicuous from a com­ parative perspective. Four possible determinants of this peculiarity of recent German history are discussed: (1) the growing ethnic and cultural heterogeneity due to the vast increase in immigration from non-European countries; (2) the increasing costs of foreigners' claims on the German welfare state; (3) the economic context of immigration; and (4) the transformation of national identity in the context of German unification. It is shown that neither the rate of immigration nor the position of foreigners in the German welfare state yields satisfactory explanations for the recent upsurge in violence, which only occurred after unification. The key for an explanation lies in a particu­lar macro-constellation that is characterized by the concurrence of a massive wave of immigration with an economic crisis, and with the ethnicization of German national identity in the context of unification. Anti-foreign sentiments do not automatically follow increases in immigration, but grow in a specific political climate to which the political elites actively contribute.

The Kharkiv oblast: a fragile stability. OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 172/03.06.2015

Kharkiv oblast, which is located in the immediate vicinity of the Donbas region, and which shares a 315-km stretch of Ukraine’s border with Russia, was one of the regions where attempts were made to kindle separatist sentiments during the spring of last year. Some central government buildings were briefly occupied by pro-Russian demonstrators who declared a ‘Kharkov People’s Republic’, but efficient countermeasures by the Ukrainian institutions of force quickly calmed the situation in the region. However, the oblast still remains a target for acts of sabotage, which are probably directed by Russian secret services. Nevertheless, the situation in the region is now stable, both in terms of public sentiment and local politics. The main competitors in the arena of local politics are Hennadiy Kernes, the mayor of Kharkiv, and Arsen Avakov, the current head of the Ukrainian Interior Ministry. Despite many years of hostility, neither of the politicians appears to have initiated a power struggle as yet – Kernes retains his influence on the city council, and Avakov controls the local security services.

In the shadow of history. Romanian-Moldovan relations. OSW Studies 53, September 2015

Romania and Moldova have developed very strong ties, resulting mainly from many years of common history (including joint statehood), language and cultural heritage. On the one hand, this closeness fosters bilateral relations, but on the other hand it places a serious burden upon them. This is because Moldovan statehood and identity has in some way been built in opposition to Romanian statehood and identity. Part of Moldovan society (especially the Russian-speaking minority) fears closer cooperation with Bucharest, seeing it as threatening a loss of independence and the declaration of unification with its western neighbour. Historic sentiment is also reflected in Bucharest’s policy towards Moldova. Officially, relations with Chisinau are considered as exceptional, and representatives of the Romanian political class are full of declarations of assistance and support for their eastern neighbour, appealing to the national, cultural and linguistic community. In practice, however, Romanian policy towards Moldova (and hence also the two countries’ bilateral relations) is most often shaped not by sentiment but by political pragmatism, resulting among others from a desire to win the support of the Romanian electorate.

Brexit will deepen the fault lines within the EU over mobility. CEPS Commentary, 12 July 2016

Much has been made of the divide that opened up in 2015 between eastern and western member states as a result of acrimonious discussions on how to handle the refugee crisis and distribute asylum applicants across the EU. Against the prevailing political sentiment in certain member state capitals, Germany and France pushed through a plan devised by the European Commission to relocate 120,000 refugees, by a qualified majority vote in the Council. Rather than creating an east/west divide, however, the vote split the group of (relatively) new Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs) of the EU into two factions: Romania, Czechia, Slovakia and Hungary voted against the plan, whereas several other CEECs, namely Poland, Bulgaria and the Baltic states, joined the controversial motion on the side of the other (northern, southern and western) member states. Finland abstained. Few member states have shifted their positions in the meantime. If anything, in fact, they have coalesced among the Visegrad 4, following a change of government in Poland; and they have hardened, as a result of new proposals by the Commission to fine member states that refuse to accept refugees. With Hungary’s referendum on the Commission’s relocation scheme scheduled for October 2nd, tensions are set to intensify even further.

L'argot: moyen d'évasion linguistique des dominés

Cette étude naît à la suite d'un contact direct avec l'une des manifestations contemporaines des variétés de français qui caractérisent Paris et dont l'histoire est liée à l'urbanisation de la ville, l'Argot des jeunes parisiens. Ce langage naît en effet de l'opposition des jeunes des catégories populaires vivant dans des quartiers dits « sensibles » aux pratiques des jeunes issus des classes moyennes et supérieures. Mais l'émergence de pratiques langagières argotiques n'est pas un phénomène récent. En effet la langue française a toujours été déstructurée pour masquer ou crypter des informations surtout chez les classes sociales les plus basses, au milieu desquelles vivaient les criminels. Le point de départ est donc la définition du langage argotique qui, en gardant la phonologie et la syntaxe de la langue française commune, introduit un lexique nouveau pour nommer les activités qui sont propres à des communautés spécifiques et que l'on analysera au cours de cette recherche. On parlera donc des premières sociétés criminelles caractérisées par l'usage de ce type de langage et de la découverte du première document argotique officiel à l'intérieur duquel on a retrouvé une description détaillée des expressions utilisées par un groupe de malfaiteurs. On se focalisera ensuite sur les attitudes linguistiques qui viennent d'une vision du monde typique des classes sociales les plus basses et qui comportent différents procédés de formation de mots propres au langage parallèle à la langue d'usage commun. On abordera enfin la condition des jeunes banlieusards de nos jours, qui, à cause du manque d'intérêt de la société qui les entoure, cherchent à s' évader de la condition de marginalité dans laquelle ils vivent à travers la création d'un langage qui puisse seconder leur sentiment d'appartenance au même groupe social et qu'ils utilisent comme instrument d'évasion d'une réalité aliénante.

L’importance du rendement, du soutien des adultes, des attentes de réussite et de la valeur accordée aux mathématiques dans les choix de filières de formation préuniversitaire des étudiantes issues des séquences de mathématiques enrichies

La présente étude s’intéresse aux choix de filières de formation des filles comparées aux garçons. La présence des filles dans les filières de formation dans le domaine des sciences, de la technologie, du génie et de la mathématique (STGM) est moins importante que celle des garçons. Ce fait est documenté dans la plupart des pays industrialisés (OCDE, 2013). Les décideurs sont préoccupés par cette sous-représentation des filles et des femmes dans ces domaines et s’affairent à comprendre le phénomène, dans le but d’agir pour changer la situation (Drouin et al., 2008; MCCCF, 2011). Or, les facteurs d’influence pour expliquer cet écart entre les garçons et les filles sont nombreux et ne font pas l’objet d’un consensus dans la littérature (Ceci et al., 2009). Toutefois, plusieurs s’entendent pour dire que les mathématiques, importantes dans les profils de formation en STGM, et la façon dont les filles les perçoivent pourraient expliquer, en partie, leurs choix (Rowan-Kenyon et al., 2012 et Wang et al., 2013). Ces auteurs ont aussi suggéré que le contexte social et les croyances des filles au sujet des mathématiques seraient déterminants dans le processus de choix impliquant cette discipline. Un modèle théorique sociocognitif, inspiré par les travaux de Lent et al, (1994-2006), expliquant le processus de choix scolaires et professionnels a permis de conceptualiser les liens entre les déterminants socio-motivationnels spécifiques aux mathématiques. L’objectif général de la présente étude était de mieux documenter l’importance des mathématiques dans les choix de filières de formation menant aux carrières en STGM. Spécifiquement, nous avons examiné les relations entre le rendement en mathématiques, la perception des élèves quant au contexte social (soutien des parents et enseignants), leurs attentes de réussite, la valeur qu’ils accordent aux mathématiques (sentiment d’autoefficacité, anxiété, perception de l’utilité et intérêt) et les choix de filières de formation générale après leur secondaire (sciences humaines sans mathématiques, sciences humaines avec mathématiques, sciences de la santé et sciences pures). Nous avons exploré les distinctions entre les filles et les garçons. Pour ce faire, 1129 élèves finissants ont été questionnés au sujet de leurs motivations en mathématiques et de leurs intentions de formation post-secondaire. Par la suite, une comparaison entre les 583 filles et les 543 garçons a été réalisée par des analyses de régression logistiques multinomiales. Les résultats montrent que plusieurs déterminants permettent de dégager des similitudes et des différences quant aux choix de filières de formation des filles et des garçons. D’abord, il semble que pour la plupart des élèves, filles ou garçons, un rendement élevé et un important soutien des enseignants tel que perçu par les élèves à la fin du secondaire est davantage lié aux choix de filières en sciences pures et en sciences de la santé qu’en sciences humaines avec ou sans mathématiques. Toutefois, le soutien des parents perçu est plus déterminant pour les filles qui choisissent les sciences de la santé que pour les garçons. Le soutien des enseignants perçu est plus déterminant pour les garçons qui choisissent les sciences humaines que pour les filles. Aussi, un faible sentiment d’autoefficacité en mathématiques serait associé au choix de filières en sciences humaines, alors qu’une forte anxiété en mathématiques chez les filles serait associée aux filières en sciences de la santé. Pour les garçons, c’est davantage l’intérêt en mathématiques qui est déterminant pour choisir la filière des sciences pures. La perception de l’utilité des mathématiques est déterminante à la fois pour les garçons et pour les filles qui choisissent les filières de sciences les menant à des carrières en STGM. En somme, nos résultats suggèrent que le soutien en mathématiques de la part des adultes significatifs, tel que perçu par les élèves, est moins prépondérant que les attentes de réussite (sentiment d’autoefficacité et anxiété) et la valeur accordée aux mathématiques (intérêt et utilité perçue) pour comparer les garçons et les filles dans leurs choix de filières. À la lumière des résultats obtenus, il nous semble que l’implantation de mesures, dans les milieux scolaires, pour renforcer le sentiment d’autoefficacité des jeunes filles en mathématiques et surtout pour diminuer leur taux d’anxiété dans cette matière serait une voie prometteuse pour atteindre la parité entre les garçons et les filles dans les filières en STGM.

La relation entre le climat scolaire, le contexte scolaire et l'adoption des différents rôles lors d’une situation de violence scolaire

Le sujet de la présente étude est la violence scolaire, phénomène complexe et polysémique qui préoccupe légitimement le monde de l’éducation depuis plus de trente ans. À partir des analyses factorielles exploratoires, analyses de variance factorielle et finalement analyses multivariées de covariance, cette recherche vise plus précisément à dégager la relation entre le climat scolaire, le contexte scolaire et les différents rôles adoptés par les élèves du niveau secondaire lors d’une situation de violence scolaire. Les données de la présente étude ont été collectées par Michel Janosz et son équipe pendant l’année 2010, dans quatre établissements éducatifs provenant d’une commission scolaire de la grande région de Montréal. L’échantillon de départ est composé de 1750 élèves qui fréquentent des classes ordinaires et spéciales du premier et deuxième cycle du secondaire âgés entre 10 et 18 ans. Pour fins d’analyse, deux petites écoles ainsi que les classes spéciales ont été retirées. Il demeure donc 1551 élèves dans l’échantillon initial analysé. Les résultats des analyses permettent de constater d’une part, la relation significative existante entre les dimensions du climat scolaire et l’adoption des différents rôles lors d’une situation de violence scolaire, les climats d’appartenance et de sécurité étant les plus importants, et d’autre part d’observer des différences dans les perceptions que les élèves ont de la violence scolaire selon le niveau et selon l’école.

The poetical works of William Wordsworth,: with a memoir.

Index to poems in v. 5.

Atkinson's casket.

"Gems of literature, wit, and sentiment."

The Casket.

"Flowers of literature, wit, and sentiment."

The poetry of the Orient.

First published in 1856 under title: The poetry of the East.