942 resultados para STATE AND OFFICIAL VISITS


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The titanomagnetite oxidation state of "zero age" ocean floor basalts was investigated. For this purpose the oxidation parameter, z, of Hole 648B basalts was determined by SEM observation of "shrinkage cracks" in individual titanomagnetite grains and by Curie temperature measurements. A mean z-value of 0.1 has been deduced for the Hole 648B basalts. Assuming a linear relationship between titanomagnetite low-temperature oxidation state and age of the oceanic basalt, an age of 0.7 m.y. is deduced for Hole 648B.

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The backarc glasses recovered during Ocean Drilling Program Leg 135 are unique among submarine tholeiitic glasses with respect to their oxygen fugacity and sulfur concentrations. Unlike mid-ocean-ridge basalt glasses, fO2 in these samples (inferred from ratios Fe3+/Fe2+) is high and variable, and S variations (90-1140 ppm) are not coupled with FeO concentration. Strong correlations occur between the alkali and alkaline-earth elements and both fO2 (positive correlations) and S concentrations (negative correlations). Correlations between fO2 and various trace elements are strongest for those elements with a known affinity for hydrous fluids (perhaps produced during slab dehydration), suggesting the presence of a hydrous fluid with high fO2 and high alkali and alkaline earth element concentrations in the Lau Basin mantle. Concentrations of S and fO2 are strongly correlated; high fO2 samples are characterized by low S in addition to high alkali and alkaline earth element concentrations. The negative correlations between S and these trace elements are not consistent with incompatible behavior of S during crystallization. Mass balance considerations indicate that the S concentrations cannot result simply from mixing between low-S and high-S sources. Furthermore, there is no relationship between S and other trace elements or isotope ratios that might indicate that the S variations reflect mixing processes. The S variations more likely reflect the fact that when silicate coexists with an S-rich vapor phase the solubility of S in the silicate melt is a function of fO2 and is at a minimum at the fO2 conditions recorded by these glasses. The absence of Fe-sulfides and the high and variable vesicle contents are consistent with the idea that S concentrations reflect silicate-vapor equilibria rather than silicate-sulfide equilibria (as in MORB). The low S contents of some samples, therefore, reflect the high fO2 of the supra-subduction zone environment rather than a low-S source component.

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This paper aims to explain the historical development of Australia's foreign economic policy by using an analytical framework called a 'state-society coalition' approach. This approach focuses on virtual coalitions of state and society actors that share 'belief systems' and hold similar policy ideas, goals and preferences, as basic units (policy subsystems) of policy making. Major policy changes occur when a dominant coalition is replaced by another. The paper argues that, in Australia, there have been three major state-society coalitions in the foreign economic policy issue area: 'protectionists', 'trade liberalisers' and 'optional bilateralists'. The rise and fall of these coalitions resulted in distinctive shifts of Australia's foreign economic policy in the 1980s towards unilateral and multilateral liberalisation and in the late 1990s towards bilateral trade and investment arrangements.

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Durante la Ilustración, el imperio español alcanzó su máxima amplitud y las instituciones oficiales incrementaron su apoyo a las ciencias. Para defender sus fronteras y ejercer con eficacia el poder político, económico y religioso, la Corona y la Iglesia necesitaban obtener información precisa --incluida la climatológica-- de las posesiones españolas y de los pobladores de éstas. Fueron varios los procedimientos empleados para ello: sistema de cuestionarios y relaciones geográficas, estudios medico-topográficos, visitas e inspecciones oficiales, expediciones político-científicas, correspondencia epistolar, artículos periodísticos, etc. Dichos procedimientos fueron aplicados por redes de informadores cuyas actuaciones se basaban en la división del trabajo, el reparto de colaboradores en diferentes lugares, el uso de códigos de comunicación comprensibles, el envío de los resultados a los superiores jerárquicos y la toma de decisiones por las autoridades competentes. Las redes de información estaban sometidas a dictámenes que normalizaban su creación y continuidad temporal, daban forma a su estructura interna, especificaban sus cometidos y obligaban a cumplir protocolos y plazos. En su seno se idearon planes de investigación integrados en el estudio general de la Tierra, el ser humano y la cultura. El beneficio de las actuaciones de sus miembros se plasmó en cubrir grandes ámbitos geográficos con el consiguiente ahorro de tiempo, esfuerzos y medios. En sus correspondientes contextos, los miembros de las redes efectuaron estudios climatológicos conforme a intereses, imposiciones y circunstancias específicas. Así, los médicos se interesaron por las condiciones climáticas que influían en la salud humana; los funcionarios reales y los ingenieros militares describieron los climas locales y regionales aptos para el fomento y el control político, jurídico y educativo de los habitantes de los territorios hispánicos; los expedicionarios estudiaron las interacciones entre los fenómenos naturales y las influencias de los accidentes geográficos en los climas; los clérigos se interesaron por los aspectos estéticos, apologéticos y contemplativos de los climas; finalmente, en la prensa de la época se publicaron registros meteorológicos periódicos y trabajos climatológicos varios. En definitiva, el saber climatológico en el mundo hispánico ilustrado aportó algunos rasgos esenciales a la climatología en una etapa pre-fundacional de esta disciplina. Dichos rasgos se desarrollaron generalmente en una escala local o regional y se refirieron a los siguientes asuntos: el calor como principal agente de las modificaciones atmosféricas, de la formación de vapor acuoso y de las precipitaciones; la influencia del suelo en el aumento de humedad y calor en el aire; el poder de los vientos para trasladar de un lugar a otro el frío o el calor, el vapor de agua, los fenómenos atmosféricos y los agentes responsables de las enfermedades contagiosas; las propiedades del aire atmosférico y su capacidad para interaccionar con el medio ambiente; la condición estática y repetitiva de los climas, si bien se admitió que dichos fenómenos podían sufrir modificaciones; la corroboración experimental de las diferencias climáticas entre las zonas tropicales y medias del planeta; la refutación de que la naturaleza americana y sus habitantes eran inferiores a los europeos; y la demostración de que los principios rectores de los fenómenos físicos del Viejo y el Nuevo Mundo eran idénticos. Desde el último tercio del siglo XVIII, los documentos producidos por los componentes de las redes de información incluyeron datos meteorológicos. Pero no siempre se emplearon los mismos instrumentos de medida ni se siguieron los mismos protocolos de indagación en idénticas condiciones. Además, y salvo excepciones, los períodos durante los cuales se recabaron datos atmosféricos fueron relativamente cortos, y los expertos no efectuaron las mismas operaciones aritméticas con los parámetros. Por esta razón, y por la orientación utilitaria de los ilustrados hispánicos, el saber climatológico no obtuvo en el período y en el ámbito geográfico considerados resultados teóricos apreciables; en cambio, dio lugar a una gran cantidad de actividades prácticas con aplicaciones a la medicina, la agricultura, la náutica, el fomento, la prevención de riesgos naturales, etc. La principal utilidad de este trabajo consiste en servir de complemento a los procedimientos actualmente en uso en historia de la hidrología y en climatología histórica. ABSTRACT During the Enlightenment, the Spanish Empire achieved its highest length and State institutions increased their support to sciences. In order to defend their frontiers and to exercise political, economical and religious power, the Crown and the Church needed exact information --including the climatologic one-- about its possessions and its habitants. Some of the procedures employed to get that objective were: system of questionnaires and geographic relations, medical-topographic studies, official visits and inspections, political-scientific expeditions, direct mail, journalistic articles, etc. Those procedures were applied by informers´ networks which obtained, manned and transmitted every kind of data about the natural and moral reality of the Hispanic territories; their actions were based on the division of tasks, the distribution of collaborators at several places, the use of understandable communication codes and the sending of results to the hierarchical superiors; after, the competent authorities took decisions. The information networks were subjected to rules witch regulated its creation, temporary continuity, interior structure, objectives, protocols and periods. Their memberships invented plans about the general research of the Earth, the human beings and the culture; and they contributed to get benefits because of covering large geographic frames and economizing time, effort and means. According to their specifics contexts, concerns, impositions and circumstances, the informers performed climatologic tasks. Thus, the physicians were interested in the climatic conditions which affected to human health; the royal officers and military engineers described the most propitious climates to patronage and political, lawful and educative control of inhabitants of Hispanic territories; the participants in politic-scientific expeditions studied the interactions among natural phenomena and the influence of geographic aspects on the climate; the clergymen underlined the esthetic, apologetic and contemplative face of climates; finally, in the newspapers were published a lot of meteorological data and climatologic works. So, the climatologic knowledge in the Hispanic enlightened world added these essential aspects --referred in a local and regional area-- during the pre-foundational epoch of the climatology: the heat as first agent of atmospheric modifications, aqueous vapor and precipitations; the influx of the land in the increment of humidity and heat of the air; the power of the winds to convey the cold, the heat, the aqueous vapor, the atmospheric phenomena and the agents which caused contagious maladies; the properties of the air and its faculty to mediate with the environs; the static and repetitive condition of the climate and its possibility to experience change; the experimental confirmation of climatic varieties between tropical and central areas of the planet; the negation of the inferiority of the American nature and inhabitants; the demonstration about the equality of the rules which conducted physical phenomena in the Old and the New world. Since the last third part of the eighteenth century, the documents produced by the members of the networks included meteorological data. But the informers were not used to employ the same measure instruments and homogeneous protocols completion in the same conditions. Exceptions besides, the times of taking atmospheric data, usually were very short; and the experts did not carry out the same arithmetical operations with parameters. Because of this reason and the utilitarian guidance of the informers, during the Hispanic Enlightenment, it was not possible to obtain theoretic conclusions about climatologic knowledge; but there were a lot of practical activities applied to Medicine, Agriculture, Navigation, patronage, prevention of natural risks, etc. The main utility of this work consist in favoring the present procedures of the History of Hydrology and Historic Climatology.

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The Glu-134–Arg-135 residues in rhodopsin, located near the cytoplasmic end of the C helix, are involved in G protein binding, or activation, or both. Furthermore, the charge-neutralizing mutation Glu-134 to Gln-134 produces hyperactivity in the activated state and produces constitutive activity in opsin. The Glu/Asp-Arg charge pair is highly conserved in equivalent positions in other G protein-coupled receptors. To investigate the structural consequences of charge-neutralizing mutations at Glu-134 and Arg-135 in rhodopsin, single spin-labeled side chains were introduced at sites in the cytoplasmic domains of helices C (140), E (227), F (250), or G (316) to serve as “molecular sensors” of the local helix bundle conformation. In each of the spin-labeled rhodopsins, a Gln substitution was introduced at either Glu-134 or Arg-135, and the electron paramagnetic resonance spectrum of the spin label was used to monitor the structural response of the helix bundle. The results indicate that a Gln substitution at Glu-134 induces a photoactivated conformation around helices C and G even in the dark state, an observation of potential relevance to the hyperactivity and constitutive activity of the mutant. In contrast, little change is induced in helix F, which has been shown to undergo a dominant motion upon photoactivation. This result implies that the multiple helix motions accompanying photoactivation are not strongly coupled and can be induced to take place independently. Gln substitution at Arg-135 produces only minor structural changes in the dark- or light-activated conformation, suggesting that this residue is not a determinant of structure in the regions investigated, although it may be functionally important.

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The equilibrium dissociation of recombinant human IFN-γ was monitored as a function of pressure and sucrose concentration. The partial molar volume change for dissociation was −209 ± 13 ml/mol of dimer. The specific molar surface area change for dissociation was 12.7 ± 1.6 nm2/molecule of dimer. The first-order aggregation rate of recombinant human IFN-γ in 0.45 M guanidine hydrochloride was studied as a function of sucrose concentration and pressure. Aggregation proceeded through a transition-state species, N*. Sucrose reduced aggregation rate by shifting the equilibrium between native state (N) and N* toward the more compact N. Pressure increased aggregation rate through increased solvation of the protein, which exposes more surface area, thus shifting the equilibrium away from N toward N*. The changes in partial molar volume and specific molar surface area between the N* and N were −41 ± 9 ml/mol of dimer and 3.5 ± 0.2 nm2/molecule, respectively. Thus, the structural change required for the formation of the transition state for aggregation is small relative to the difference between N and the dissociated state. Changes in waters of hydration were estimated from both specific molar surface area and partial molar volume data. From partial molar volume data, estimates were 25 and 128 mol H2O/mol dimer for formation of the aggregation transition state and for dissociation, respectively. From surface area data, estimates were 27 and 98 mol H2O/mol dimer. Osmotic stress theory yielded values ≈4-fold larger for both transitions.

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This research provides an institutional explanation of the practices of external intervention in the Arab state system from the fall of the Ottoman Empire in 1922 to the Arab Spring. My explanation consists of two institutional variables: sovereignty and inter-state borders. I examine the changes in regional and international norms of sovereignty and their impact on the practices of external intervention in the Arab state system. I also examine the impact of the level of institutionalization of inter-state borders in the Arab World on the practices of external intervention. I argue that changes in regional and international norms of sovereignty and changes in the level of institutionalization of inter-state borders have constituted the significant variation over time in both the frequency and type of external intervention in the Arab state system from 1922 to the present. My institutional explanation and findings seriously challenge the traditional accounts of sovereignty and intervention in the Arab World, including the cultural perspectives that emphasize the conflict between sovereignty, Arabism, and Islam, the constructivist accounts that emphasize the regional norm of pan-Arabism, the comparative politics explanations that focus on the domestic material power of the Arab state, the post-colonial perspectives that emphasize the artificiality of the Arab state, and the realist accounts that focus on great powers and the regional distribution of power in the Middle East. This research also contributes to International Relations Theory. I construct a new analytical framework to study the relations between sovereignty, borders, and intervention, combining theoretical elements from the fields of Role Theory, Social Constructivism, and Institutionalization. Methodologically, this research includes both quantitative and qualitative analysis. I conduct content analysis of official documents of Arab states and the Arab League, Arabic press documents, and Arab political thought. I also utilize quantitative data sets on international intervention.

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We introduce a new class of generalized isotropic Lipkin–Meshkov–Glick models with su(m+1) spin and long-range non-constant interactions, whose non-degenerate ground state is a Dicke state of su(m+1) type. We evaluate in closed form the reduced density matrix of a block of Lspins when the whole system is in its ground state, and study the corresponding von Neumann and Rényi entanglement entropies in the thermodynamic limit. We show that both of these entropies scale as a log L when L tends to infinity, where the coefficient a is equal to (m  −  k)/2 in the ground state phase with k vanishing magnon densities. In particular, our results show that none of these generalized Lipkin–Meshkov–Glick models are critical, since when L-->∞ their Rényi entropy R_q becomes independent of the parameter q. We have also computed the Tsallis entanglement entropy of the ground state of these generalized su(m+1) Lipkin–Meshkov–Glick models, finding that it can be made extensive by an appropriate choice of its parameter only when m-k≥3. Finally, in the su(3) case we construct in detail the phase diagram of the ground state in parameter space, showing that it is determined in a simple way by the weights of the fundamental representation of su(3). This is also true in the su(m+1) case; for instance, we prove that the region for which all the magnon densities are non-vanishing is an (m  +  1)-simplex in R^m whose vertices are the weights of the fundamental representation of su(m+1).

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State and international entities can have profound effects on the development of a country’s nursing profession. Through a global health governance lens, this paper explores the development of nursing in Brazil during the early twentieth century, and its intersections with national and international interests. Accordingly, we will show how state policies established an environment that fostered the institutionalization of nursing as a profession in Brazil and supported it as a means to increase the presence of females in nation building processes. The State focused on recruiting elite women for nursing, in part due to the Rockefeller Foundation’s involvement in the country. Nurses who worked for Rockefeller came from well-educated classes within US society with specific ideas about who should be a nurse and the roles of nurses in a healthcare system. These women served as the primary vehicles for interacting with Brazilian health authorities responsible for health system development. Their early efforts did not, however, ensure a system capable of producing nursing human resources at a rate that, in present day Brazil, could meet the health needs of the country. Findings from this paper offer new avenues for historians to explore the early roots of professional nursing through a global health governance lens, improve the understanding of the intersection between international politics and professionalization, and highlight how these factors may impact nursing human resources production in the long term.

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Sovereign powers are not absolute but exercised in varying areas and to varying degrees by sub-state, state and supra-state entities. The upward dispersion of power to international organisations carries implications for the sub-state level, while sub-state governance poses demands as to the conduct of governance at the international level. It is well recognised that sub-state entities, such as federal states and autonomies, may have the (restricted) capacity to enter into international relations. But what capacities do international organisations have to accommodate autonomies in their institutional frameworks? This paper shall present a case study of one such framework, namely Nordic co-operation and the accommodation of the Nordic autonomies, the Faroe Islands, Greenland and Åland, within its institutional framework. Within ‘Norden’, the position of autonomies has been scrutinised and adapted on several occasions, in the late 1960s, early 1980s and in the mid-2000s. The accommodation of the autonomies has been discussed in light of evident implications of statehood and international legal personality and the institutional arrangements eventually carved serve well to illustrate the challenges and opportunities international organisations face in the attempt to accommodate multi-level systems.

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This report explores the concept of state (un)sustainability in Israel and Palestine. The starting point sees conflict resolution as an independent variable for any change and progress in the area, in terms of a political, just and credible agreement between the two parties, which will then play a decisive role in the development of the Mediterranean region. These developments and prospects for a solution are then evaluated on the basis of state (un)sustainability, a broad notion that refers to the possibilities for long-term development at the political, social and economic levels. The very nature of Israel’s democracy and its relations with its Arab minority, the challenges related to the establishment of a viable and sustainable Palestinian state, and the regional dimension of all the actors involved are considered in order to evaluate future scenarios in this context. Three scenarios are tested: sustainability, which corresponds to the end of the conflict and the establishment of two viable and independent states with a tangible improvement in political and economic indicators; unsustainability, which refers to the perpetuation of the political status quo and the progressive deterioration of all political, economic and social indicators; and finally, weak stability, which entails the achievement of a sterile political stability, able to sustain the present status quo but unable to confront the main challenges for the future of the country(ies).

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On June 15, 2014, Jean-Claude Juncker, the lead candidate of the European People’s Party, was elected President of the European Commission, with the support of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, and some of the European Socialists and Greens. Amid unprecedented Euroscepticism, the media and many pundits predicted a record-low voter turnout and record-high results for Europhobic parties. The aforementioned parties then decided that the political outcome of these 2014 European elections would also be unprecedented. For the first time in EU history, the European political parties agreed to nominate candidates to chair the institution, which they justified by putting forward Article 17 of the Lisbon Treaty. The European Parliament has often characteristically used political discourse - the logos, to influence the EU’s institutional framework, even though it entails grappling with Member States. It took the form of reports and resolutions, like the official use of the phrase “European Parliament” in 1962, direct universal suffrage elections in 1975 and a European Union in 1984. Nominating contenders to chair the European Commission is no exception. It requires a specific political discourse whose origins can be traced back to the early years of the European Parliament, when it was still the “Common Assembly”. This political discourse is one of the elements thanks to which the European Parliament acquired visibility and new prerogatives, in pursuit of its legitimacy. However, the executive branch in all member states is not intent on yielding such prerogatives to the European Parliament. As a matter of fact, the European Parliament has often ended up strengthening the heads of state and governments, since MEPs are forced to resort to self-discipline. The symbolic significance of its logos and, consequently, its own politicisation as a source of legitimacy, is thus undermined. For instance, in 2014, Jean-Claude Juncker’s election actually strengthened German Chancellor Angela Merkel. First she questioned the fact that the candidate whose party holds the parliamentary majority after the election should be appointed President of the Commission. Then she seemed strongly intent on democratising the Union, when she confronted David Cameron, who openly opposed Juncker, believed to be too federalist and old-fashioned a candidate. By doing so, she eventually reduced the symbolic dimension of the European Parliament’s initiative, and Juncker’s election. She also unquestionably embodied EU leadership. This paper aims at analysing Juncker’s election to the Presidency of the European Commission, as well as other questions it raises. In the first part, I lay out some thoughts about the sociohistorical context of voting in European elections in order to make the readers understand why the European Parliament should be bolder. Secondly, I try to explain how the European Parliament has used the logos as a weapon to grapple with member states for more power, as was the case during the 2014 European elections. Last but not least, I seek to show how Angela Merkel got hold of that weapon and took advantage of it, thus proving that despite MEPs’ best efforts, Juncker’s task will be all the more complicated as he was not the consensual candidate of all the governments.

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The state still matters. However, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community may be misinterpreting this crucial baseline prior launching their military interventions since 2001. The latest violence and collapse of the state of Iraq after the invasion of Northern Iraq by a radical Sunni Muslim terrorist group, so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), demonstrate once again the centrality and requirement of a functioning state in order to maintain violent forces to disrupt domestic and regional stability. Since 2001, the US and its European allies have waged wars against failed-states in order to increase this security and national interests, and then have been involved in some type of state-building.1 This has been the case in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali, and Central African Republic (CAR). France went into Mali (2012) and CAR (2013), which preceded two European Union military and civilian Common Security and Defense Policy missions (CSDP), in order to avoid the collapse of these two states. The threat of the collapse of both states was a concern for the members of the Euro-Atlantic community as it could have spread to the region and causing even greater instabilities. In Mali, the country was under radical Islamic pressures coming from the North after the collapse of Libya ensuing the 2011 Western intervention, while in CAR it was mainly an ethno-religious crisis. Failed states are a real concern, as they can rapidly become training grounds for radical groups and permitting all types of smuggling and trafficking.2 In Mali, France wanted to protect its large French population and avoid the fall of Mali in the hands of radical Islamic groups directly or indirectly linked to Al-Qaeda. A fallen Mali could have destabilized the region of the Sahel and ultimately affected the stability of Southern European borders. France wanted to avoid the development of a safe haven across the Sahel where movements of people and goods are uncontrolled and illegal.3 Since the end of the Cold War, Western powers have been involved in stabilizing neighborhoods and regions, like the Balkans, Africa, and Middle East, which at the exceptions of the Balkans, have led to failed policies. 9/11 changes everything. The US, under President George W. Bush, started to wage war against terrorism and all states link to it. This started a period of continuous Western interventions in this post-9/11 era in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and CAR. If history has demonstrated one thing, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community are struggling and will continue to struggle to stabilize Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic (CAR) for one simple reason: no clear endgame. Is it the creation of a state à la Westphalian in order to permit these states to operate as the sole guarantor of security? Or is the reestablishment of status quo in these countries permitting to exit and end Western operations? This article seeks to analyze Western interventions in these five countries in order to reflect on the concept of the state and the erroneous starting point for each intervention.4 In the first part, the political status of each country is analyzed in order to understand the internal and regional crisis. In a second time, the concept of the state, framed into the Buzanian trinity, is discussed and applied to the cases. In the last part the European and American civilian-military doctrines are examined in accordance with their latest military interventions and in their broader spectrum.

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"September 1985."

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Signatures: A⁴, B-Bb⁸ (p. 303 numb. 304); A⁴, B-Bb⁸ (2 p. advts. inserted) O4 signed B4.