The Theory of Interhybridity: Socio-political Dimensions and Migration Experiences of Post-communist Western Balkan States

The Western Balkans integration within the EU has started a legal process which is the rejection of former communist legal/political approaches and the transformation of former communist institutions. Indeed, the EU agenda has brought vertical/horizontal integration and Europeanization of national institutions (i.e. shifting power to the EU institutions and international authorities). At this point, it is very crucial to emphasize the fact that the Western Balkans as a whole region has currently an image that includes characteristics of both the Soviet socialism and the European democracy. The EU foreign policies and enlargement strategy for Western Balkans have significant effects on four core factors (i.e. Schengen visa regulations, remittances, asylum and migration as an aggregate process). The convergence/divergence of EU member states’ priorities for migration policies regulate and even shape directly the migration dynamics in migrant sender countries. From this standpoint, the research explores how main migration factors are influenced by political and judicial factors such as; rule of law and democracy score, the economic liberation score, political and human rights, civil society score and citizenship rights in Western Balkan countries. The proposal of interhybridity explores how the hybridization of state and non-state actors within home and host countries can solve labor migration-related problems. The economical and sociopolitical labor-migration model of Basu (2009) is overlapping with the multidimensional empirical framework of interhybridity. Indisputably, hybrid model (i.e. collaboration state and non-state actors) has a catalyst role in terms of balancing social problems and civil society needs. Paradigmatically, it is better to perceive the hybrid model as a combination of communicative and strategic action that means the reciprocal recognition within the model is precondition for significant functionality. This will shape social and industrial relations with moral meanings of communication.

La modernisation de Tunis : un urbanisme et une architecture d’État au miroir d’une anthologie de la percée dans la médina (1881-1987)

Cette thèse traite de quelques moments clés dans l’histoire urbaine et architecturale moderne de la ville de Tunis. Elle les aborde conjointement à la problématique du percement de son noyau historique : la médina, née d’un projet de modernisation urbaine lancé par les beys de Tunis à la fin du XIXe siècle, poursuivi par le protectorat français de 1881 à 1956, puis par le gouvernement indépendant de 1956 à 1987. Partant, la recherche est répartie sur trois temps avec, au centre, le projet de la percée dite de la Casbah adopté par le Président Bourguiba à la fin de 1959. Pour plusieurs raisons, ce moment est cité rapidement dans la littérature malgré son importance dans la compréhension du visage actuel de la capitale tunisienne. Pour le saisir, on a dû retourner aux premières tentatives de percement de la médina de Tunis par le colonisateur français en 1887. Puis, on s’est progressivement approché de l’ancêtre direct de la percée bourguibienne paru sur le Plan directeur de Tunis en 1948. De ce premier temps, on a mis en valeur les stratégies coloniales dans leur gestion du territoire et leur rapport au processus de valorisation/dévalorisation du patrimoine issu de la civilisation arabo-islamique. Le second temps, qui correspond au plan de décolonisation mené par l’État indépendant dès 1955, est marqué par le lancement d’un « concours international ouvert pour une étude d’aménagement de la ville de Tunis » organisé par le Secrétariat d’État aux travaux publics en collaboration avec l’Union internationale des architectes. L’étude de cet événement et du colloque qui l’a suivi a ôté le voile sur ses raisons d’être politico-économiques que dissimulaient les usuels soucis de l’hygiène, de la circulation et de l’embellissement du Grand Tunis. Pour appuyer davantage ces constats, un troisième et dernier temps a été dédié au chantier de Tunis au lendemain du concours. L’accent mis sur les lieux symboliques du pouvoir et le désir obsessif des autorités à se les approprier ont réduit ce chantier à une redistribution concertée des symboles de la souveraineté nationale dans le but de centraliser et de personnifier le pouvoir en place. Le présent travail se situe dans le cadre des études postcoloniales et projette un regard critique sur la décolonisation en rapport avec ce qu’on a taxé d’urbanisme d’État. Propulsé par une certaine perception de la modernité, cet urbanisme est indissociable d’une instrumentalisation politique qui met l’accent sur les questions identitaires et patrimoniales, insiste sur la rupture avec le passé et tend à écarter l’opinion publique des questions inhérentes à l’aménagement du territoire et à la sauvegarde de la mémoire collective. En procédant par une analyse contextuelle de faits historiques et une lecture typomorphologique de la percée de la Casbah, cette recherche attire l’attention sur l’ampleur de certaines décisions gouvernementales concernant l’aménagement de l’espace urbain et la conservation de l’héritage architectural à court, moyen et long termes. Elle renseigne aussi sur le rôle des collectivités, de l’élite et des professionnels dans la canalisation de ces décisions pour ou contre leur droit à la ville.

The EU's Group-to-Group Dialogue with the Southern Mediterranean and ASEAN – How much have they achieved? A Comparative Analysis. EU Centre Singapore Working Paper No, 18, December 2013

Four decades of the EU's group-to-group dialogues with the Southern Mediterranean grouping of countries and with ASEAN have produced different dynamics and outcomes, despite the EU’s common strategy to use economic soft power to achieve their goals for the partnerships. Diverging conditions in the two regions created inconsistency in the EU's application of the common approach. The EU's neighbourhood security concerns forced it to relax its political stand with their Southern Mediterranean partners. For ASEAN, geographical distance dilutes the EU’s security concerns it that region and has afforded the EU to be more ideological and assertive on democracy and human rights practices. These issues have provoked disagreements in EU-ASEAN dialogues, but both sides have also tried to remain pragmatic in order to achieve some progress in the partnership. In contrast, the protracted the Arab-Israeli conflict continues to hamper the Euro-Mediterranean dialogue, resulting in little progress. Social upheavals in the Southern Mediterranean also brought their partnership to a standstill. The EU's cooperation with former authoritarian regimes like Libya and Syria have only caused damage to its credibility in the Southern Mediterranean, and future Euro-Mediterranean dialogues are likely to be affected by it.

Ukraine: sovereign decentralisation or federalism without sovereignty? OSW Commentary No. 133, 18.04.2014

A key element of Russia’s policy towards the new government of Ukraine concerns demands for a constitutional reform that would transform the country from a unitary into a federal state in a way that would considerably privilege the eastern and southern regions. Such a change to Ukraine’s administrative system would enable Moscow to put pressure on Ukraine’s central government via the regions. In order to achieve its objectives, Russia has been pressuring Kyiv to establish a constitutional assembly in a form that would guarantee the endorsement of solutions dictated by Russia. In other words, Russia has been demanding, in what is practically an ultimatum, that Ukraine give up one of the fundamental sovereign rights of a state, the right to freely determine its system of government. Transforming Ukraine into a federal state is an unacceptable idea, primarily because the intention behind Russia’s demands is to undermine Ukraine’s sovereignty, both through the content of the proposed changes and the way in which they are to be implemented. However, keeping in place the current, centralist model of state governance is not a feasible alternative. Ukraine will have to grant its regions broad self-governance powers, including the power to hold local referendums, and to transfer a considerable portion of the prerogatives currently held by the state to the local self-governments, along with adequate financial resources. That is because decentralisation along these lines is the only way forward towards a modern democracy in Ukraine. Russia’s policy has forced Kyiv to undertake legislative work on constitutional reform as a matter of urgency, rather than waiting until a new parliament is elected in which the new, post-Maidan balance of political power will be reflected, as political logic would require. The first draft of the constitutional amendments (of which no details are known at this stage) is to be presented in mid-May, and is expected to come into force in early autumn. However, whether these plans can be put into practice depends on further developments in the eastern part of Ukraine, because (among other reasons) if a state of emergency is introduced, the constitutional amendment process will have to be suspended.

Patterns of civil society after authoritarianism: a comparison of Portugal and Spain, 1970s-2000s. CES Papers - Open Forum #17, 2013-2014

In this paper we argue that patterns of civil society in post-authoritarian democracies are the result of divergent pathways to democracy. Through a comparison of contemporary Portugal (social revolution) and Spain (reform), we show that revolutionary pathways to democracy have a positive impact on the self-organizing abilities of popular groups, thus also contributing to a higher quality of democracy. There are three mechanisms in social revolutionary processes that contribute to this. The first stems from the fact that the masses are the key actor in the revolutionary transformation process, with the power to shape (at least partially) the new rules and institutions of the emerging democratic regime. This results in greater legal recognition and institutional embeddedness between civil society organizations and the state, making it easier, in turn, for resources to be transferred to those organizations. Secondly, as a result of changes to the social and economic structure, revolutions engender more egalitarian societies. Likewise, citizens are given more resources and capacities for collective action. Finally, revolutions tend to crystalize a political culture between elites and the masses in which the principles of egalitarian participation and social change through the action of the people are accepted. This all leads to greater opportunities, resources and legitimacy for the civic action of the common people during the subsequent democratic regime.

Reasons withheld and insufficient reasoning as due process violations: two cases before the ECHR

Two very different cases decided by the European Court of Human Rights illustrate how the non-availability of sufficient reasons, for pre-trial judicial decisions in one case, and for a decision in a civil and administrative matter in the other, can lead to due process violations in terms of Articles 5 or 6 of the Convention of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.

La modernisation de Tunis : un urbanisme et une architecture d’État au miroir d’une anthologie de la percée dans la médina (1881-1987)

Cette thèse traite de quelques moments clés dans l’histoire urbaine et architecturale moderne de la ville de Tunis. Elle les aborde conjointement à la problématique du percement de son noyau historique : la médina, née d’un projet de modernisation urbaine lancé par les beys de Tunis à la fin du XIXe siècle, poursuivi par le protectorat français de 1881 à 1956, puis par le gouvernement indépendant de 1956 à 1987. Partant, la recherche est répartie sur trois temps avec, au centre, le projet de la percée dite de la Casbah adopté par le Président Bourguiba à la fin de 1959. Pour plusieurs raisons, ce moment est cité rapidement dans la littérature malgré son importance dans la compréhension du visage actuel de la capitale tunisienne. Pour le saisir, on a dû retourner aux premières tentatives de percement de la médina de Tunis par le colonisateur français en 1887. Puis, on s’est progressivement approché de l’ancêtre direct de la percée bourguibienne paru sur le Plan directeur de Tunis en 1948. De ce premier temps, on a mis en valeur les stratégies coloniales dans leur gestion du territoire et leur rapport au processus de valorisation/dévalorisation du patrimoine issu de la civilisation arabo-islamique. Le second temps, qui correspond au plan de décolonisation mené par l’État indépendant dès 1955, est marqué par le lancement d’un « concours international ouvert pour une étude d’aménagement de la ville de Tunis » organisé par le Secrétariat d’État aux travaux publics en collaboration avec l’Union internationale des architectes. L’étude de cet événement et du colloque qui l’a suivi a ôté le voile sur ses raisons d’être politico-économiques que dissimulaient les usuels soucis de l’hygiène, de la circulation et de l’embellissement du Grand Tunis. Pour appuyer davantage ces constats, un troisième et dernier temps a été dédié au chantier de Tunis au lendemain du concours. L’accent mis sur les lieux symboliques du pouvoir et le désir obsessif des autorités à se les approprier ont réduit ce chantier à une redistribution concertée des symboles de la souveraineté nationale dans le but de centraliser et de personnifier le pouvoir en place. Le présent travail se situe dans le cadre des études postcoloniales et projette un regard critique sur la décolonisation en rapport avec ce qu’on a taxé d’urbanisme d’État. Propulsé par une certaine perception de la modernité, cet urbanisme est indissociable d’une instrumentalisation politique qui met l’accent sur les questions identitaires et patrimoniales, insiste sur la rupture avec le passé et tend à écarter l’opinion publique des questions inhérentes à l’aménagement du territoire et à la sauvegarde de la mémoire collective. En procédant par une analyse contextuelle de faits historiques et une lecture typomorphologique de la percée de la Casbah, cette recherche attire l’attention sur l’ampleur de certaines décisions gouvernementales concernant l’aménagement de l’espace urbain et la conservation de l’héritage architectural à court, moyen et long termes. Elle renseigne aussi sur le rôle des collectivités, de l’élite et des professionnels dans la canalisation de ces décisions pour ou contre leur droit à la ville.

The Impact of Socially Conscious Art Exhibitions: A Case Study of Art AIDS America

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Female Exiles in Language: Reading for New Poetic Subjects in Modern and Contemporary Feminist Experimental Poetry

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Decisional Considerations in Left Ventricular Assist Device for Destination Therapy

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Handing over the keys : Contingency, power and resistance in the context of section 3LA of the Australian Crimes Act 1914

Using the work and ideas of French theorist Michel Foucault the writer examines s 3LA of the Crimes Act, which provides law enforcement officers with power to compel a person to reveal their private encryption keys and other personal information, and concludes that such a section creates fear, redirects flow of power between law enforcement agencies and citizens, and creates resistance.

Genetic assignment methods for the direct, real-time estimation of migration rate: a simulation-based exploration of accuracy and power

Genetic assignment methods use genotype likelihoods to draw inference about where individuals were or were not born, potentially allowing direct, real-time estimates of dispersal. We used simulated data sets to test the power and accuracy of Monte Carlo resampling methods in generating statistical thresholds for identifying F-0 immigrants in populations with ongoing gene flow, and hence for providing direct, real-time estimates of migration rates. The identification of accurate critical values required that resampling methods preserved the linkage disequilibrium deriving from recent generations of immigrants and reflected the sampling variance present in the data set being analysed. A novel Monte Carlo resampling method taking into account these aspects was proposed and its efficiency was evaluated. Power and error were relatively insensitive to the frequency assumed for missing alleles. Power to identify F-0 immigrants was improved by using large sample size (up to about 50 individuals) and by sampling all populations from which migrants may have originated. A combination of plotting genotype likelihoods and calculating mean genotype likelihood ratios (D-LR) appeared to be an effective way to predict whether F-0 immigrants could be identified for a particular pair of populations using a given set of markers.

Utilising survey data to inform public policy: Comparison of the cost-effectiveness of treatment of ten mental disorders

Background Mental health survey data are now being used proactively to decide how the burden of disease might best be reduced. Aims To study the cost-effectiveness of current and optimal treatments for mental disorders and the proportion of burden avertable by each. Method Data for three affective, four anxiety and two alcohol use disorders and for schizophrenia were compared in terms of cost, burden averted and efficiency of current and optimal treatment. We then calculated the burden unavertable given current knowledge. The unit of health gain was a reduction in the years lived with disability (YLDs). Results Summing across all disorders, current treatment averted 13% of the burden, at an average cost of AUS$30 000 per YLD gained. Optimal treatment at current coverage could avert 20% of the burden, at an average cost of AUS$18 000 per YLD gained. Optimal treatment at optimal coverage could avert 28% of the burden, at AUS$16 000 per YLD gained. Sixty per cent of the burden of mental disorders was deemed to be unavertable. Conclusions The efficiency of treatment varied more than tenfold across disorders. Although coverage of some of the more efficient treatments should be extended, other factors justify continued use of less-efficient treatments for some disorders. Declaration of interest None. Funding detailed in Acknowledgements.

From a Vicious Circle of Anxiety to a Virtuous Circle of Learning: Experience of Teaching to a Heterogenous Clientele

A considerable body of literature suggests that significant psychological barrier and anxiety characterize the teaching and learning process in statistics. This study investigates the incidence of statistics anxiety, the extent to which it can be overcome and the factors that contribute to the process of overcoming it. Self-study and overall teaching quality, amongst others, significantly contributed to this outcome. This study identifies factors contributing to overall teaching quality. The teaching and learning process typified a highly effective communication mechanism based on an appropriate diagnosis of individual needs. This cumulative change resulted from circular causation. It is argued that given appropriate conditions the vicious circle of anxiety can be transformed into a virtuous circle of learning.

Establishment of metanephros transplantation in mice highlights contributions by both nephrectomy and pregnancy to developmental progression

Background: It has been demonstrated that embryonic kidneys (metanephroi) xenotransplanted into the omentum of adult recipients continue to develop and display immune protection due to their more nave immune presentation. To date, this has been achieved using rat, pig and human metanephroi, with unilateral nephrectomy (UNX) of recipient rats a requisite of renal development. The aim of this study was to adapt this approach for use in mice and examine the parameters affecting successful onward development in this species. Methods: Metanephroi at embryonic age (E) 13.5 were transplanted either onto the body wall, abdominal fat pads or omentum of recipient isogenic C57/Bl6 mice using either sutures or polyglycolic acid mesh. Having established greatest success with polyglycolic acid mesh on the body wall, E12.5 and 15.5 days metanephroi from C57/Bl6 mice were then transplanted onto the body wall of control (non-pregnant non-UNX), UNX or 12.5 days post-coitum pregnant isogenic recipients. After 7 days, implanted tissue was harvested and examined using histology and immunohistochemistry for markers of renal maturation. The mean number of S-shaped bodies and glomeruli per section were recorded and statistically analysed for significant differences between all recipient groups and untransplanted metanephroi. The degree of development was scored qualitatively. Results: Transplanted E12.5 metanephroi developed S-shaped bodies and glomeruli in all recipient groups, although there were statistically higher numbers of S-shaped bodies in UNX (n = 2) and pregnant recipients (n = 9) than in control recipients (n = 4). Continued development, as indicated by mature vascularized glomeruli, was only observed in those E15.5 metanephroi transplanted into pregnant recipients (n = 11) with a 15.5-fold increase in S-shaped bodies and 4-fold increase in glomeruli compared with control transplants (n = 12). Conclusions: We have successfully established metanephros transplantation in mice and demonstrated enhancement of onward development of E12.5 metanephroi in response to both pregnancy and UNX. Using E15.5 metanephroi, continued development only occurred in pregnant recipients, implying pregnancy provides an environment conducive to continued organogenesis. This murine assay, when coupled with transgenically-tagged strains of mice, will allow the investigation of the relative contribution of donor and recipient cells to this process. Copyright (C) 2005 S. Karger AG, Basel.