O regimento do corpo em Portugal no século XV

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Violência no futebol brasileiro: os discursos de torcedores organizados

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Genocídio: o Conselho de Segurança da ONU nos casos de Ruanda e Darfur

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Ética, justiça e democracia em sala de aula: o desenvolvimento e a experiência de um novo método de discussão de dilemas morais para a educação

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A gestão democrática em uma escola de educação de jovens e adultos

This paper addresses the democratic school management within the school organizations. For this, initially made brief remarks on labor relations, the development of administrative and organizational theories. Later, we reflect on how the se labor relations are organized in the educational environment and what education theoretical contributions to the development of school management in Brazil. Therefore, we discuss the Brazilian educational policies that postulate and legitimate democratic school management. Studies of everyday guided the theoretical basis of this work, we wonder what school subject dealing with the discourse of democratic and participative management. Forward the hypothesis that participatory management should be a prominent space in schools, the aim of this study was to investigate the school management of a municipal school of Youth and Adult Education, which brings in your organization pedagogical foundation and educational principles espoused by Paul Freire. The specific objectives of the study are: a) to investigate and describe how is the organization's management of school youth and adults; b) understand the role of managers; c) check how teachers and administrators understand the process of managing this school. From a methodological point of view the daily life of the studies led this work to procedures and qualitative analysis of ethnographic referring to practices that have occurred in adult education school along with the theoretical foundation. Participated in this research members of the school management group and four teachers of Youth and Adult Education rooms. The results obtained showed that dialogue and democracy go together, that the school is an organization with different world views, which need to be primarily present in the identity of the schools. It was also possible to find different democratic practices in the management and organization of the Educational Center that make school subjects become...

A gestão democrática em uma escola de educação de jovens e adultos

This paper addresses the democratic school management within the school organizations. For this, initially made brief remarks on labor relations, the development of administrative and organizational theories. Later, we reflect on how the se labor relations are organized in the educational environment and what education theoretical contributions to the development of school management in Brazil. Therefore, we discuss the Brazilian educational policies that postulate and legitimate democratic school management. Studies of everyday guided the theoretical basis of this work, we wonder what school subject dealing with the discourse of democratic and participative management. Forward the hypothesis that participatory management should be a prominent space in schools, the aim of this study was to investigate the school management of a municipal school of Youth and Adult Education, which brings in your organization pedagogical foundation and educational principles espoused by Paul Freire. The specific objectives of the study are: a) to investigate and describe how is the organization's management of school youth and adults; b) understand the role of managers; c) check how teachers and administrators understand the process of managing this school. From a methodological point of view the daily life of the studies led this work to procedures and qualitative analysis of ethnographic referring to practices that have occurred in adult education school along with the theoretical foundation. Participated in this research members of the school management group and four teachers of Youth and Adult Education rooms. The results obtained showed that dialogue and democracy go together, that the school is an organization with different world views, which need to be primarily present in the identity of the schools. It was also possible to find different democratic practices in the management and organization of the Educational Center that make school subjects become...

Altinópolis, una utopia brasiliana. Analisi di una esperienza di educazione alla pace e non violenza come pratica alternativa dell'educazione popolare

The present thesis has as its object of study a project called “Education towards Peace and No Violence”, developed in the town of Altinópolis, in the inner part of the state of São Paulo, Brazil. Based on the analysis and the studies that were carried out, it was possible to identify the difficulties in the implementation of the project, as well as the positive results evidenced by the reduction of the reports of violence in the town. Through a careful research of the historical facts, it shall be demonstrated the progress of education, particularly in Brazil, throughout the years. In addition, a panoramic view of the studies and programs for peace developed in North America and Occidental Europe will be presented. The education for peace based in the holistic concept of human development appeared as a new educational paradigm that works as a crucial instrument in the construction process towards a peaceful and more human society based in social justice.

La comunicazione della cooperazione allo sviluppo: gli Enti Pubblici. Analisi discorsive dei Siti Web

Our research takes place in the context of a discipline kwown as Communication for Development, sited inside the field of Communication for Social Change, characterized by the use of interpersonal ad mass communication theories and tools, applyied to international development cooperation. Our study aims at pointing out a change of paradigm in this field: our object is Public Administration’s communication, therefore, what we suggest is a shift from Communication for Development, to Development Communication. The object of our study, hence, becomes the discourse itself, in its double action of representation and construction of reality. In particular, we are interested in the discourse’s tribute to the creation of a collective immagination, wich is the perspective towards which we have oriented the analysis, through a structuralist semoitics-based methodology integrated with a socio-semiotic approach. Taking into consideartion the fact that in our contemporary society (that is to say a ‘Western’ and ‘First World’ society), the internet is a crucial public space for the mediation and the management of collective immagination, we chose the web sites of Public Bodies which are dedicated to International Cooperation has our analysis corpus. This, due to their symbolic and ideologic significance, as well as for the actual political responsibility we think these web sites should have. The result of our analysis allows us to suggest some discoursive strategies used in the web sites of Public Bodies. In these sites, there is a tendency to shift the discourses around international cooperation from the ideological axis - avoiding in so doing to explicit a political statement about the causes of injustices and un-balances which lead to the necessity of a support in development (i.e. avoiding to mention values such as social justice and democracy while acknowledging socio-economical institutions which contribute to foster underdevelopment on a global scale) -, to the ethical axis, hence referring to moral values concerning the private sphere (human solidarity and charity), which is delegated mainly to non governamental associations.

Il conflitto tra ragione e passioni nel pensiero morale, economico e politico di Bernard Mandeville

Effects of the conflict between reason and passion in Bernard Mandeville’s moral, economic and political thought My PhD dissertation focuses on Bernard Mandeville (1670-1732), a Dutch philosopher who moved to London in his late twenties. The aspect of Mandeville’s thought I take into account in my research is the conflicting relation between reason and passions, and the consequences that Mandeville’s view of this conflict has in the development of his theory of human nature which, I argue, is what grounds his moral, economic and, above all, political theory. According to Mandeville, reason is fundamentally weak. Passions influence with more strength human actions, and, eventually, are the ones which motivate them. The role of reason is merely instrumental, restricted to finding appropriate means in order to reach the desired ends, which are capricious and inconstant, since they all come from unstable passions. Reason cannot take decisions meant to act in the long term, pursuing an object which has not a selfish and temporary nature. There is no possibility, thus, that men’s actions aim just to achieve a good and just society, without their interests being directly involved. The basically selfish root of every desire leads Mandeville to claim that there is neither benevolence nor altruism which guides human behaviour. Hence he expresses a judgement on the moral character of human beings, always busy with their self-satisfaction, and hardly ever considering what would be good on a wider perspective, including other people’s sake. The anthropological features ascribed to men by Mandeville, are those which lead him to prefer a political system where governors are not supposed to have particular abilities, either from an intellectual or from a moral point of view, and peace and order are preserved by the bureaucratic machine, which is meant to work with the least effort on the part of the politicians, and no big harm can be done even by corrupted or wicked governors. This system is adopted with an eye at remedying human deficiencies: Mandeville takes into primary account, when he thinks of how to build a peaceful and functioning society, that everyone is concerned with his selfish interest, and that the rationality of a single politician, or of a group of them belonging to a same generation, cannot find a good “solution” to govern men able to last over the long period, and to work in different ages. This implies a refusal of the Hobbesian theory of the pactum subjectionis, which has the character of a rational and definitive choice, and leads Mandeville to consider the order which arises spontaneously, without any plan or rational intervention.

Politiche di sviluppo e questione etnica. La cooperazione italiana IN Bosnia Erzegovina

The globalization process of the last twenty years has changed the world through international flows of people, policies and practices. International cooperation to development is a part of that process and brought International Organizations (IOs) and Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) from the West to the rest of the world. In my thesis I analyze the Italian NGOs that worked in Bosnia Herzegovina (BH) to understand which development projects they realized and how they faced the ethnic issue that characterized BH. I consider the relation shaped between Italian NGOs and Bosnian civil society as an object of ethnic interests. In BH, once part of former Yugoslavia, the transition from the communist regime to a democratic country has not been completed. BH’s social conditions are characterized by strong ethnic divisions. The legacy of the early 1990s crisis was a phenomenon of ethnic identities created before the war and that still endure today. The Dayton Peace Agreement signed in 1995 granted the peace and reinforced the inter-ethnic hate between the newly recognized three principal ethnicities: Serbs, Croats and Bosniak. Through the new constitution, the institutions were characterized by division at every level, from the top to the bottom of society. Besides it was the first constitution ever written and signed outside the own country; that was the root of the state of exception that characterized BH. Thus ethnic identities culture survived through the international political involvement. At the same time ethnic groups that dominated the political debate clashed with the international organization’s democratic purpose to build a multicultural and democratic state. Ethnic and also religious differences were the instruments for a national statement that might cause the transition and development projects failure. Fifteen years later social fragmentation was still present and it established an atmosphere of daily cultural violence. Civil society suffered this condition and attended to recreate the ethnic fragmentation in every day life. Some cities became physically divided and other cities don’t tolerated the minority presence. In rural areas, the division was more explicit, from village to village, without integration. In my speech, the anthropology for development – the derivative study from applied anthropology – constitutes the point of view that I used to understand how ethnic identities still influenced the development process in BH. I done ethnographic research about the Italian cooperation for development projects that were working there in 2007. The target of research were the Italian NGOs that created a relation with Bosnian civil society; they were almost twenty divided in four main field of competences: institutional building, education, agriculture and democratization. I assumed that NGOs work needed a deep study because the bottom of society is the place where people could really change their representation and behavior. Italian NGOs operated in BH with the aim of creating sustainable development. They found cultural barricade that both institutions and civil society erected when development projects have been applied. Ethnic and religious differences were stressed to maintain boundaries and fragmented power. Thus NGOs tried to negotiate development projects by social integration. I found that NGOs worked among ethnic groups by pursuing a new integration. They often gained success among people; civil society was ready to accept development projects and overcome differences. On the other hand NGOs have been limited by political level that sustained the ethnic talk and by their representation of Bosnian issue. Thus development policies have been impeded by ethnic issue and by cooperation practices established on a top down perspective. Paradoxically, since international community has approved the political ethnic division within DPA, then the willing of development followed by funding NGOs cooperation projects was not completely successful.

Tra pacifismo e ambientalismo: il Nuclear Freeze Movement e la risposta dell'amministrazione Reagan

Negli anni Ottanta si assiste tanto nel vecchio quanto nel nuovo continente alla rinascita del movimento antinucleare. Mentre in Europa l’origine di questa ondata di proteste antinucleari è collegata alla “doppia decisione” NATO del 1979, negli Stati Uniti la genesi si colloca nel contesto dalla mobilitazione dei gruppi ambientalisti in seguito all’incidente alla centrale nucleare di Three Mile Island. Dopo l’elezione di Ronald Reagan, alle proteste contro le applicazioni pacifiche dell’atomo si affiancarono quelle contro la politica nucleare del Paese. La retorica di Reagan, il massiccio piano di riarmo, unitamente al rinnovato deteriorarsi delle relazioni tra USA e URSS contribuirono a diffondere nell’opinione pubblica la sensazione che l’amministrazione Reagan, almeno da un punto di vista teorico, non avesse escluso dalle sue opzioni il ricorso alle armi nucleari nel caso di un confronto con l’URSS. I timori legati a questa percezione produssero una nuova ondata di proteste che assunsero dimensioni di massa grazie alla mobilitazione provocata dalla Nuclear Weapons Freeze Campaign (NWFC). Il target della NWFC era l’ampio programma di riarmo nucleare sostenuto da Reagan, che secondo gli attivisti nucleari, in un quadro di crescenti tensioni internazionali, avrebbe fatto aumentare le possibilità di uno scontro atomico. Per evitare lo scenario dell’olocausto nucleare, la NWFC proponeva «un congelamento bilaterale e verificabile del collaudo, dell’installazione e della produzione di armi nucleari». L’idea del nuclear freeze, che era concepito come un passo per fermare la spirale del riarmo e tentare successivamente di negoziare riduzioni negli arsenali delle due superpotenze, riscosse un tale consenso nell’opinione pubblica americana da indurre l’amministrazione Reagan a formulare una risposta specifica. Durante la primavera del 1982 fu, infatti, creato un gruppo interdipartimentale ad hoc, l’Arms Control Information Policy Group, con il compito di arginare l’influenza della NWFC sull’opinione pubblica americana e formulare una risposta coerente alle critiche del movimento antinucleare.

Egemonia, socialismo e democrazia nell’occidente periferico. Gli studi gramsciani di Aricó e Portantiero tra Argentina e Messico.

La ricerca si propone di mostrare come il pensiero gramsciano sia stato riferimento prioritario di due intellettuali argentini in esilio in Messico dal 1976 al 1983: Juan Carlos Portantiero e José Maria Aricó. In quel periodo incentrarono le loro elaborazioni teorico-politiche sull’analisi della relazione tra Stato, società civile, democrazia e socialismo, partendo da una prospettiva gramsciana. Il fallimento della guerra di movimento in Argentina nei primi anni settanta li condusse a riflettere su strategie alternative di transizione al socialismo, il cui punto focale fu il concetto di "Egemonia". A partire dal 1975 indirizzarono la ripresa del pensiero di Gramsci alla creazione di un progetto politico adatto ad un contesto sempre più "occidentale", caratterizzato dalla presenza di una "società civile complessa", in cui risultava necessario combattere "guerre di posizione" e non "guerre di movimento". La prospettiva che connotò questo approccio alle riflessioni gramsciane rappresenta il culmine di un percorso che iniziarono negli anni ’50, quando sorsero i primi studi del pensiero gramsciano in Argentina. Sin da allora, Aricó e Portantiero si occuparono di Gramsci insieme al dirigente del PC argentino Agosti e continuarono a farlo anche durante gli anni sessanta e i primi anni settanta sulla rivista Pasado y Presente. Fu, però, nel periodo dell’esilio che ne ripresero il pensiero considerandolo nella sua totalità, a partire dagli scritti giovanili sino ai Quaderni del Carcere, rielaborandolo in maniera originale e costruendo una propria proposta di cammino verso socialismo nell' "occidente periferico" dell'Argentina, influenzati dall'azione del Partito Comunista Italiano.

"Orationi al cepo overo a la scala": le laude della Confraternita bolognese di S. Maria della morte

La Confraternita bolognese di S. Maria della Morte, istituita nel 1336 sull’onda della predicazione del frate domenicano Venturino da Bergamo, è la più antica e meglio documentata compagnia italiana ‘di giustizia’. Possedeva un laudario conosciuto attraverso 12 manoscritti redatti tra XV e XVI secolo, dove le laude seguono il “confortatorio” che insegnava ai confratelli come relazionarsi col condannato e prepararlo a morire in perfetto spirito cristiano. Nelle laude l’identificazione poetica tra Cristo e il condannato era funzionale allo scopo di convertire il criminale in santo, convincendolo che la sua morte aveva una funzione redentrice per sé e la città stessa. L’assoluzione plenaria poteva essere ottenuta solo tramite una morte completamente accettata e un pentimento sincero. La dissertazione indaga le tematiche espresse dalle laude e le motivazioni forti che spingevano i confortatori a intraprendere questa peculiare attività assistenziale.

Soziale Rebellion oder kriminelles Banditentum? : eine Analyse der kolumbianischen Guerillaorganisation FARC-EP

Unter Präsident Álvaro Uribe Vélez und dem Einfluss neuer Strömungen innerhalb der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung änderte sich nach Abbruch der Friedensgespräche zwischen kolumbianischer Regierung und linksgerichteter Guerillaorganisation FARC-EP im Jahr 2002 zunehmend die Perzeption des seit Jahrzehnten andauernden internen Konflikts. Dieser Wandel zeichnete sich vor allem durch eine Klassifizierung der noch aktiven Guerillaorganisationen als vorrangig kriminelle Akteure aus. Doch inwieweit wird diese neue Sicht der Dinge der kolumbianischen Realität gerecht?rnrnIm Zentrum dieser Arbeit steht der Versuch die illegale kolumbianische Guerillaorganisation FARC-EP für den Zeitraum zwischen 2002 und 2009 zu klassifizieren. Als empirische Grundlage der Analyse dienen dabei heterogene Dokumente der FARC-EP sowie Interviews mit Kommandanten und ehemaligen Mitliedern der Organisation.rn

Medienfreiheit in der Demokratiemessung : ein Konzeptualisierungsvorschlag und Evaluation einschlägiger Indizes

Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, einen Beitrag zur Klärung des Zusammenhangs zwischen Medienfreiheit und Demokratie, der zwar weitläufig postuliert, aber dennoch lediglich in geringem Maße erforscht ist, zu leisten und insbesondere die konzeptionelle Rückbindung von Medienfreiheit an die Demokratietheorie zu verbessern. Es wird davon ausgegangen, dass eine Demokratie ohne die Verwirklichung von Medienfreiheit nicht funktionieren kann. Medienfreiheit wird daher als ein Merkmal von Demokratie aufgefasst. Im ersten Teil der Arbeit wird, ausgehend von Larry Diamonds Konzeption einer liberalen Demokratie, eine konkrete Definition und Konzeptualisierung von Medienfreiheit herausgearbeitet. Damit wird ein Maßstab formuliert, der im Folgenden dazu dient existierende Messungen von Medienfreiheit auf ihren konzeptuellen Gehalt hin zu überprüfen. Im zweiten Teil werden existierende Indizes bezüglich ihrer Messung von Medienfreiheit evaluiert. Betrachtet werden hierbei sowohl zwei Demokratieindizes (der Index Politische Rechte und Bürgerliche Freiheiten von Freedom House sowie der Index Liberale Demokratie aus dem Varieties of Democracy-Projekt) als auch zwei Indizes, die explizit Medienfreiheit messen (der Index Pressefreiheit von Freedom House sowie die Rangliste der Pressefreiheit von Reporter ohne Grenzen).