Gacaca and DDR : the disputable record of state-building in Rwanda

State-building is currently considered to be an indispensable process in overcoming state fragility: a condition characterized by frequent armed conflicts as well as chronic poverty. In this process, both the capacity and the legitimacy of the state are supposed to be enhanced; such balanced development of capacity and legitimacy has also been demanded in security sector reform (SSR), which is regarded as being a crucial part of post-conflict state-building. To enhance legitimacy, the importance of democratic governance is stressed in both state-building and SSR in post-conflict countries. In reality, however, the balanced enhancement of capacity and legitimacy has rarely been realized. In particular, legitimacy enhancement tends to stagnate in countries in which one of multiple warring parties takes a strong grip on state power. This paper tries to understand why such unbalanced development of state-building and SSR has been observed in post-conflict countries, through a case study of Rwanda. Analyses of two policy initiatives in the security sector - Gacaca transitional justice and disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) - indicate that although these programs achieved goals set by the government, their contribution to the normative objectives promoted by the international community was quite debatable. It can be understood that this is because the country has subordinated SSR to its state-building process. After the military victory of the former rebels, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), the ruling elite prioritized the establishment of political stability over the introduction of international norms such as democratic governance and the rule of law. SSR was implemented only to the extent that it contributed to, and did not threaten, Rwanda's RPF-led state-building.

The misconception of political lessons : how UMNO perceives the fall of LDP in Japan

2012 marks the thirtieth anniversary of Malaysia’s Look East Policy (LEP). This article argues that the strong relationship between Malaysia and Japan is stimulated by symbiotic ties binding together both countries’ respective major political parties, viz. the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). UMNO, especially under the leadership of Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad (1981-2003), derived political lessons from developments affecting LDP in Japan. Two forms of lessons may be discerned. First, emulation of Japan’s success in economic development, which become the basis of LEP launched in 1981. Second, on which our article focuses, lessons from the failure of LDP to retain power twice in 1993 and 2009. Since 1993, DP’s defeat has been a poignant reminder for UMNO to be in alert mode in facing any electoral possibility. When LDP was again ousted from power in 2009, UMNO was a most psychologically affected party owing to the unprecedented setback it suffered at Malaysia’s Twelfth General Elections (GE) of 2008. Yet, although LDP’s reversal of fortunes served as a landmark for UMNO in situating changes to its trajectory since 1999, the analogical reasoning and political lessons applied by UMNO leaders were, to a large extent, flawed. Arguably, politicians frequently do misjudge in analogising between different situations which at a glance seem to be comparable.

Presidentialism and political parties in Indonesia : why are all parties not presidentialized?

This paper analyzes whether the "presidentialization of political parties" is occurring in newly democratizing Indonesia, as argued by Samuels and Shugart (2010). In Indonesia not all parties are becoming presidentialized. Parties are presidentialized when they have a solid organizational structure and have the potential to win presidential elections. Parties established by a presidential candidate need not face an incentive incompatibility between their executive and legislative branches, since the party leader is not the "agent" but the "principal". On the other hand, small and medium-sized parties, which have few prospects of winning presidential elections, are not actively involved in the election process, therefore party organization is not presidentialized. As the local level, where the head of government has been directly elected by the people since 2005 in Indonesia, the presidentialization of political parties has begun to take place.

Modeling impact assessment of transport policies through a multiregional input-output integrated approach

El objetivo de esta investigación es desarrollar una metodología para estimar los potenciales impactos económicos y de transporte generados por la aplicación de políticas en el sector transporte. Los departamentos de transporte y otras instituciones gubernamentales relacionadas se encuentran interesadas en estos análisis debido a que son presentados comúnmente de forma errónea por la insuficiencia de datos o por la falta de metodologías adecuadas. La presente investigación tiene por objeto llenar este vacío haciendo un análisis exhaustivo de las técnicas disponibles que coincidan con ese propósito. Se ha realizado un análisis que ha identificado las diferencias cuando son aplicados para la valoración de los beneficios para el usuario o para otros efectos como aspectos sociales. Como resultado de ello, esta investigación ofrece un enfoque integrado que incluye un modelo Input-Output de múltiples regiones basado en la utilidad aleatoria (RUBMRIO), y un modelo de red de transporte por carretera. Este modelo permite la reproducción con mayor detalle y realismo del transporte de mercancías que por medio de su estructura sectorial identifica los vínculos de las compras y ventas inter-industriales dentro de un país utilizando los servicios del transporte de mercancías. Por esta razón, el modelo integrado es aplicable a diversas políticas de transporte. En efecto, el enfoque se ha aplicado para estudiar los efectos macroeconómicos regionales de la implementación de dos políticas diferentes en el sistema de transporte de mercancías de España, tales como la tarificación basada en la distancia recorrida por vehículo-kilómetro (€/km) aplicada a los vehículos del transporte de mercancías, y para la introducción de vehículos más largos y pesados de mercancías en la red de carreteras de España. El enfoque metodológico se ha evaluado caso por caso teniendo en cuenta una selección de la red de carreteras que unen las capitales de las regiones españolas. También se ha tenido en cuenta una dimensión económica a través de una tabla Input-Output de múltiples regiones (MRIO) y la base de datos de conteo de tráfico existente para realizar la validación del modelo. El enfoque integrado reproduce las condiciones de comercio observadas entre las regiones usando el sistema de transporte de mercancías por carretera, y que permite por comparación con los escenarios de políticas, determinar las contribuciones a los cambios distributivos y generativos. Así pues, el análisis estima los impactos económicos en cualquier región considerando los cambios en el Producto Interno Bruto (PIB) y el empleo. El enfoque identifica los cambios en el sistema de transporte a través de todos los caminos de la red de transporte a través de las medidas de efectividad (MOEs). Los resultados presentados en esta investigación proporcionan evidencia sustancial de que en la evaluación de las políticas de transporte, es necesario establecer un vínculo entre la estructura económica de las regiones y de los servicios de transporte. Los análisis muestran que para la mayoría de las regiones del país, los cambios son evidentes para el PIB y el empleo, ya que el comercio se fomenta o se inhibe. El enfoque muestra cómo el tráfico se desvía en ambas políticas, y también determina detalles de las emisiones de contaminantes en los dos escenarios. Además, las políticas de fijación de precios o de regulación de los sistemas de transporte de mercancías por carretera dirigidas a los productores y consumidores en las regiones promoverán transformaciones regionales afectando todo el país, y esto conduce a conclusiones diferentes. Así mismo, este enfoque integrado podría ser útil para evaluar otras políticas y otros países en todo el mundo. The purpose of this research is to develop a methodological approach aimed at assessing the potential economic and transportation impacts of transport policies. Transportation departments and other related government parties are interested in such analysis because it is commonly misrepresented for the insufficiency of data and suitable methodologies available. This research is directed at filling this gap by making a comprehensive analysis of the available techniques that match with that purpose. The differences when they are applied for the valuation of user benefits or for other impacts as social matters have been identified. As a result, this research presents an integrated approach which includes both a random utility-based multiregional Input-Output model (RUBMRIO), and a road transport network model. This model accounts for freight transport with more detail and realism because its commodity-based structure traces the linkages of inter-industry purchases and sales that use freight services within a given country. For this reason, the integrated model is applicable to various transport policies. In fact, the approach is applied to study the regional macroeconomic effects of implementing two different policies in the freight transport system of Spain, such as a distance-based charge in vehicle-kilometer (€/km) for Heavy Goods Vehicles (HGVs), and the introduction of Longer and Heavier Vehicles (LHVs) in the road network of Spain. The methodological approach has been evaluated on a case by case basis considering a selected road network of highways linking the capitals of the Spanish regions. It has also considered an economic dimension through a Multiregional Input Output Table (MRIO) and the existing traffic count database used in the model validation. The integrated approach replicates observed conditions of trade among regions using road freight transport systems that determine contributions to distributional and generative changes by comparison with policy scenarios. Therefore, the model estimates economic impacts in any given area by considering changes in Gross Domestic Product (GDP), employment (jobs), and in the transportation system across all paths of the transport network considering Measures of effectiveness (MOEs). The results presented in this research provide substantive evidence that in the assessment of transport policies it is necessary to establish a link between the economic structure of regions and the transportation services. The analysis shows that for most regions in the country, GDP and employment changes are noticeable when trade is encouraged or discouraged. This approach shows how traffic is diverted in both policies, and also provides details of the pollutant emissions in both scenarios. Furthermore, policies, such as pricing or regulation of road freight transportation systems, directed to producers and consumers in regions will promote different regional transformations across the country, and this lead to different conclusions. In addition, this integrated approach could be useful to assess other policies and countries worldwide.

A random utility based multiregional input-output approach to estimate the impact of a new highway on the regional distribution of jobs

This paper addresses the economic impact assessment of the construction of a new road on the regional distribution of jobs. The paper summarizes different existing model approaches considered to assess economic impacts through a literature review. Afterwards, we present the development of a comprehensive approach for analyzing the interaction of new transport infrastructure and the economic impact through an integrated model. This model has been applied to the construction of the motorway A-40 in Spain (497 Km.) which runs across three regions without passing though Madrid City. This may in turn lead to the relocation of labor and capital due to the improvement of accessibility of markets or inputs. The result suggests the existence of direct and indirect effects in other regions derived from the improvement of the transportation infrastructure, and confirms the relevance of road freight transport in some regions. We found that the changes in regional employment are substantial for some regions (increasing or decreasing jobs), but a t the same time negligible in other regions. As a result,the approach provides broad guidance to national governments and other transport-related parties about the impacts of this transport policy.

Climate Change and Restoration of Degraded Land

The United Nations Climate Change Conference, Durban 2011, delivered a breakthrough on the international community's response to climate change. In the second largest meeting of its kind, the negotiations advanced, in a balanced fashion, the implementation of the Convention and the Kyoto Protocol, the Bali Action Plan, and the Cancun Agreements. The outcomes included a decision by Parties to adopt a universal legal agreement on climate change as soon as possible, and no later than 2015. One of the decisions adopted by COP 17 and CMP 7 regard to the land use, land-use change and forestry, and invites the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change to review and, if necessary, update supplementary methodologies for estimating anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions by sources and removals by sinks resulting from land use, land-use change and forestry activities under Article 3, paragraphs 3 and 4, of the Kyoto Protocol. Land degradation is a human-induced or natural process which negatively affects the productivity of land within an ecosystem. The direct causes of land degradation are geographically specific. Climate change, including changes in short-term variation, as well as long-term gradual changes in temperature and precipitation, is expected to be an additional stress on rates of land degradation. Book Topics: • Introduction to Climate Change and Land Degradation • Change Mitigation • Climate Change and Waste Land Restoration • Water Management and Planning • Erosion and Hydrological Restoration • Forest Fire Land Restoration • Polluted Soils Restoration • Combating Climate Change by Restoration of Degraded Land • Research Matters – Climate Change Governance • Advanced Statistics Climate Change and Restoration of Degraded Land is of interests to academics, engineers, consultans, designers and professionals involved in restoration of degraded lands projects.

Towards an Optimal Implementation of Cascade

Cascade is an information reconciliation protocol proposed in the context of secret key agreement in quantum cryptography. This protocol allows removing discrepancies in two partially correlated sequences that belong to distant parties, connected through a public noiseless channel. It is highly interactive, thus requiring a large number of channel communications between the parties to proceed and, although its efficiency is not optimal, it has become the de-facto standard for practical implementations of information reconciliation in quantum key distribution. The aim of this work is to analyze the performance of Cascade, to discuss its strengths, weaknesses and optimization possibilities, comparing with some of the modified versions that have been proposed in the literature. When looking at all design trade-offs, a new view emerges that allows to put forward a number of guidelines and propose near optimal parameters for the practical implementation of Cascade improving performance significantly in comparison with all previous proposals.

Networked Utopia : the Architecture and Urbanism of the Bata Shoe Company Satellite Cities = Utopia en red : arquitectura y urbanismo en las ciudades satélite de la Bata Shoe Company, 1930 al presente

From its humble beginnings as a small workshop established by Tomáš Baťa in 1874, the Bata Shoe Company became a gigantic concern in the 1920s, built on the principles of scientific management and welfare capitalism. The growth of the company engulfed Zlín (in today’s Czech Republic), its hometown, and transformed it into a modern industrial garden city satisfying the needs of both a growing industrial population, and those of the company itself. As a reaction to the aftermath of the crisis of 1929, the enterprise began a strategy of decentralization and international expansion characterized by the design and construction of a series of modern industrial towns that replicated the model of Zlín around the globe. This study is an exhaustive survey of these cities, their rationale, design, and their postindustrial conditions; it is a comparative work that has used field trips, photography, interviews, and archival material to explain the logics behind Bata’s project, to document the design and implementation of the model to multiple contexts and geographies, and to evaluate of the urban legacy of this undertaking. Finally, the research explores the question of what can the design disciplines, and other parties involved, learn from a full synthesis on the history and urbanism of the Bata satellite cities with regard to the re-imagination and sustainability of contemporary industry-sponsored interventions in developing geographies. RESUMEN Con origen en un humilde y pequeño taller fundado en 1874 por Tomáš Baťa, la Bata Shoe Company creció hasta convertirse en una gigantesca empresa en los anos 20, fundada en principios de control científico de la producción y capitalismo de bienestar. El crecimiento de la compañía se extendió por Zlín (en la actual República Checa), su pueblo de nacimiento, y la transformó en una moderna ciudad jardín industrial capaz de satisfacer las necesidades tanto de una población en alza como de la propia empresa. Como reacción a la crisis de 1929, Bata inició una estrategia de descentralización y expansión internacional caracterizada por el proyecto y construcción de modernas ciudades industriales que replicaron el modelo de Zlín por el mundo. Esta tesis es un estudio exhaustivo de estas ciudades: las razones detrás del proyecto, su diseño, y su condición post-industrial; es un estudio comparativo que se ha servido de trabajo de campo, documentación fotográfica, entrevistas y materiales de archivo para explicar la lógica detrás del proyecto de Bata, documentar el diseño e implementación de tal modelo en múltiples contextos y geografías, y valorar el legado urbano de esta empresa. Finalmente, la investigación evalúa qué podrían aprender las disciplinas del diseño y otras partes implicadas de una síntesis completa de la historia y el urbanismo de las ciudades satélite de Bata, en lo relativo a la reinvención y sostenibilidad de proyectos contemporáneos de la industria en geografías en desarrollo.

Inter-Pregnancy Weight Change and the Risk of Recurrent Pregnancy Complications

Funding: Funded by the Scottish Government’s Rural and Environment Science and Analytical Services Division (RESAS, Theme 7: Diet and Health). The funder had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of this manuscript. Data Availability: All relevant data are owned by the Aberdeen Maternity and Neonatal Databank. Interested parties may request access to the data by following the instructions at http://www.abdn.ac.uk/iahs/research/obsgynae/amnd/access.php.

The challenge of contracting for technological information

Contracting to provide technological information (TI) is a significant challenge. TI is an unusual commodity in five ways. (i) TI is difficult to count and value; conventional indicators, such as patents and citations, hardly indicate value. TI is often sold at different prices to different parties. (ii) To value TI, it may be necessary to “give away the secret.” This danger, despite nondisclosure agreements, inhibits efforts to market TI. (iii) To prove its value, TI is often bundled into complete products, such as a computer chip or pharmaceutical product. Efficient exchange, by contrast, would involve merely the raw information. (iv) Sellers’ superior knowledge about TI’s value make buyers wary of overpaying. (v) Inefficient contracts are often designed to secure rents from TI. For example, licensing agreements charge more than marginal cost. These contracting difficulties affect the way TI is produced, encouraging self-reliance. This should be an advantage to large firms. However, small research and development firms spend more per employee than large firms, and nonprofit universities are major producers. Networks of organizational relationships, particularly between universities and industry, are critical in transmitting TI. Implicit barter—money for guidance—is common. Property rights for TI are hard to establish. Patents, quite suitable for better mousetraps, are inadequate for an era when we design better mice. Much TI is not patented, and what is patented sets fuzzy demarcations. New organizational forms are a promising approach to contracting difficulties for TI. Webs of relationships, formal and informal, involving universities, start-up firms, corporate giants, and venture capitalists play a major role in facilitating the production and spread of TI.

Communicating strategically in the face of terrorism: The Spanish government’s response to the 2004 Madrid bombing attacks

With the re-emergence of insurgency tied to terrorism, governments need to strategically manage their communications. This paper analyzes the effect of the Spanish government’s messaging in the face of the Madrid bombing of March 11, 2004: unlike what happened with the 9/11 bombings in the USA and the 7/07 London attacks, the Spanish media did not support the government’s framing of the events. Taking framing as a strategic action in a discursive form (Pan & Kosicki, 2003), and in the context of the attribution theory of responsibilities, this research uses the “cascading activation” model (Entman, 2003, 2004) to explore how a framing contest was generated in the press. Analysis of the coverage shows that the intended government frame triggered a battle among the different major newspapers, leading editorials to shift their frame over the four days prior to the national elections. This research analyzes strategic contests in framing processes and contributes insight into the interactions among the different sides (government, parties, media, and citizens) to help bring about an understanding of the rebuttal effect of the government’s intended frame. It also helps to develop an understanding of the role of the media and the influence of citizens’ frames on media content.

Discursive constructions of social and environmental accounting in Brazil: the case of Petrobras.

In the 29 years following \"Our Common Future\" by the United Nations, there is considerable debate among governments, civil society, interest groups and business organisations about what constitutes sustainable development, which constitutes evidence for a contested discourse concerning sustainability. The purpose of this study is to understand this debate in the developing economic context of Brazil, and in particular, to understand and critique the social and environmental accounting [SEA] discursive constructions relating to the State-owned, Petrobras as well as to understand the Brazilian literature on SEA. The discourse theory [DT]-based analysis employs rhetorical redescription to analyse twenty-two reports from Petrobras from 2004-2013. I investigate the political notions by employing the methodological framework of the Logics of Critical Explanation [LCE]. LCE engenders five methodological steps: problematisation, retroduction, logics (social, political and fantasmatic), articulation and critique. The empirical discussion suggests that the hegemony of economic development operates to obfuscate, rhetorically, the development of sustainability, so as to maintain the core business of Petrobras conceived as capital accumulation. Equally, these articulations also illustrate how the constructions of SEA operate to serve the company\'s purpose with few (none) profound changes in integration of sustainability. The Brazilian literature on SEA sustains the status quo of neo-liberal market policies that operate to protect the dominant business case approach to maintain an agenda of wealth-creation in relation to social and environmental needs. The articulations of the case manifested in policies regarding, for example, corruption, which involved over-payments for contracts and unsustainable practices relating to the use of fossil fuels and demonstrated that there was antagonism between action and disclosure. The corruption scandal that emerged after SEA disclosures highlighted the rhetorical nature of disclosure when financial resources were subtracted from the company for political parties and engineering contractors hid facts through incomplete disclosures. The articulations of SEA misrepresent a broader context of the meanings associated with sustainability, which restricted the constructions of SEA to principally serve and represent the intention of the most powerful groups. The significance of SEA, then is narrowed to represent particular interests. The study argues for more critical studies as limited Brazilian literature concerning SEA kept a \'safe distance\' from substantively critiquing the constructions of SEA and its articulations in the Brazilian context. The literature review and the Petrobras\' case illustrate a variety of naming, instituting and articulatory practices that endeavour to maintain the current hegemony of development in an emerging economy, which allows Petrobras to continue to exercise significant profit at the expense of the social and environmental. The constructed idea of development in Petrobras\' discourses emphasises a rhetoric of wider development, but, in reality, these discourses were the antithesis of political, social and ethical developmental issues. These constructions aim to hide struggles between social inequalities and exploitation of natural resources and constitute excuses about a fanciful notion of rhetorical and hegemonic neo-liberal development. In summary, this thesis contributes to the prior literature in five ways: (i) the addition of DT to the analysis of SEA enhances the discussion of political elements such as hegemony, antagonism, logic of equivalence/difference, ideology and articulation; (ii) the analysis of an emerging economy such as Brazil incorporates a new perspective of the discussion of the discourses of SEA and development; (iii) this thesis includes a focus on rhetoric to discuss the maintenance of the status quo; (iv) the holistic structure of the LCE approach enlarges the understanding of the social, political and fantasmatic logics of SEA studies and; (v) this thesis combines an analysis of the literature and the case of Petrobras to characterise and critique the state of the Brazilian academy and its impacts and reflections on the significance of SEA. This thesis, therefore, argues for more critical studies in the Brazilian academy due to the persistence of idea of SEA and development that takes-for-granted deep exclusions and contradictions and provide little space for critiques.

The Affective Dimensions of Social Controversy

Social controversy is a sustained, mediated debate between at least two oppositional parties which is more than just a difference of opinion; rather it is a persistent conflict over the political and cultural implications that dominant forms of communicative reasoning, practices, and norms have for a public. Simply put, during social controversies the norms guiding public life can be negotiated, reaffirmed, negated, and/or transformed. This can lead to progressive political, cultural, and/or social change in some instances, while establishing or reifying conservative and even oppressive norms, practices, and laws in others. Building upon Olson and Goodnight's (1994) theoretical and methodological framework of social controversy, this dissertation argues that scholars should analyze the role affect plays in this type of conflict as a means to address the regulation of public conduct as well as public discourse. The rhetorical and argumentative significance of the affective dimensions of social controversy have been conceptualized and analyzed via an examination of emotion-based claims and affective states that have become salient, discernable and/or apprehendable during specific public disagreements. Such a conceptualization demonstrates that critical insights regarding the norms that guide public conduct, the role risk and vulnerability play in the regulation of individuals' public behavior, and the relationship between affect and citizenship can be gained by focusing on a controversy's affective dimensions. To highlight the importance of the study of affect in social controversy as well as better understand the larger critical significance affect theory has for rhetorical and argumentation studies, this dissertation has analyzed the affective dimensions of three conflicts. They are: the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse social controversy, the International Freedom Center social controversy, and the controversy over the 2004 French ban on conspicuous religious attire in public schools. The findings from this dissertation that have specific and general implications for future work in the field of controversy as well as rhetoric and argumentation, respectively.

Electoral Systems and Ethnic Conciliation: A Structured, Focused Analysis of Vote-Pooling in Northern Ireland Elections 1998-2011

This research project examines the role of electoral system rules in affecting the extent of conciliatory behavior and cross-ethnic coalition making in Northern Ireland. It focuses on the role of the Single Transferable Vote (STV) electoral system in shaping party and voter incentives in a post-conflict divided society. The research uses a structured, focused comparison of the four electoral cycles since the Belfast Agreement of 1998. This enables a systematic examination of each electoral cycle using a common set of criteria focused on conciliation and cross-ethnic coalition making. Whilst preference voting is assumed to benefit moderate candidates, in Northern Ireland centrist and multi-ethnic parties outside of the dominant ethnic communities have received little electoral success. In Northern Ireland the primary effect of STV has not been to encourage inter-communal voting but to facilitate intra-community and intra-party moderation. STV has encouraged the moderation of the historically extreme political parties in each of the ethnic bloc. Patterns across electoral cycles suggest that party elites from the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn Fein have moderated their policy positions due to the electoral system rules. Therefore they have pursued lower-preference votes from within their ethnic bloc but in doing so have marginalized parties of a multi-ethnic or non-ethnic orientation.

Factors Affecting Women Leaders in the Denver Group of the Colorado Mountain Club

A study of women leaders in the Colorado Mountain Club (CMC) demonstrated that this group perceived pace as an impediment to leadership growth. This study is an exploratory-quantitative inquiry that assessed the views of 20 of the active women hike leaders in the Denver group. The author designed a survey of factors women hike leaders would rate according to their CMC experiences. Although there are more women members of the Denver group, women leaders comprise only 30% of the leadership group The results from this first ever survey of CMC's women leaders provides a knowledge base for CMC and other interested parties. This study clearly demonstrated the need for more research into its topic of women in leadership positions.