825 resultados para ETHNIC GROUPS


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Raman spectroscopy has been used to study vanadates in the solid state. The molecular structure of the vanadate minerals vésigniéite [BaCu3(VO4)2(OH)2] and volborthite [Cu3V2O7(OH)2·2H2O] have been studied by Raman spectroscopy and infrared spectroscopy. The spectra are related to the structure of the two minerals. The Raman spectrum of vésigniéite is characterized by two intense bands at 821 and 856 cm−1 assigned to ν1 (VO4)3− symmetric stretching modes. A series of infrared bands at 755, 787 and 899 cm−1 are assigned to the ν3 (VO4)3− antisymmetric stretching vibrational mode. Raman bands at 307 and 332 cm−1 and at 466 and 511 cm−1 are assigned to the ν2 and ν4 (VO4)3− bending modes. The Raman spectrum of volborthite is characterized by the strong band at 888 cm−1, assigned to the ν1 (VO3) symmetric stretching vibrations. Raman bands at 858 and 749 cm−1 are assigned to the ν3 (VO3) antisymmetric stretching vibrations; those at 814 cm−1 to the ν3 (VOV) antisymmetric vibrations; that at 508 cm−1 to the ν1 (VOV) symmetric stretching vibration and those at 442 and 476 cm−1 and 347 and 308 cm−1 to the ν4 (VO3) and ν2 (VO3) bending vibrations, respectively. The spectra of vésigniéite and volborthite are similar, especially in the region of skeletal vibrations, even though their crystal structures differ.

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Major construction sites in Australia have an above average presence of ethnic minorities. These groups and the interfaces between them require effective management in order to meet the social imperatives of sustainable design and construction. A survey of 1155 workers and 204 managers on Sydney construction sites respectively, found a significant level of normalisation of negative forms of cross cultural interaction. Yet it was also found that anti-racism programs are not currently a management priority and that they generally lack sophisticated community relations aspects. This paper presents the results of a desk-top study of leading global companies within and outside the construction sector which have won international awards and recognition for their cultural diversity strategies. A key insight is that the companies profiled see diversity as a key resource and as an opportunity rather than a risk which is best harnessed through long-term and on-going commitment of senior management. These leading companies also recognise that cultural diversity strategies operate at three levels - in terms of its relationship with its own workforce; its relationship with its clients and; its relationships with the communities in which it operates - and if properly managed it can be a source of competitive advantage.

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Commissioned by SBS, and published in March 2006, Connecting Diversity: Paradoxes of Multicultural Australia is a follow-up study to SBS’s 2002 report, Living Diversity: Australia’s Multicultural Future. The attitudes of many younger Australians from culturally diverse backgrounds reveal paradoxes about Australian multiculturalism today. This report sheds light on their views, experiences and expectations and the role of media in their lives. Younger, culturally and linguistically diverse Australians are often the subject of mediafanned controversy about disaffection, ‘ethnic gangs’ and cultural isolation. While these controversies tend to be localised – Cronulla, Inala or Bankstown – Connecting Diversity tells a national and quite different story. This research builds upon the findings of the 2002 report, Living Diversity: Australia’s Multicultural Future, which challenged common assumptions about contemporary multicultural Australia. In an era of fragmenting media and assumed political apathy, Connecting Diversity further examines many of the findings of the earlier study, with a new focus on younger people, cultural identity and media use. Connecting Diversity reveals individual experiences and often contradictory ideas about media and diversity in Australia. Disjunctions appear to exist between an individual’s experience and their thoughts about Australia’s national identity. Multiculturalism is valued for broadening the appreciation of difference, yet this support can coexist with concerns about perceived segregation, usually ‘elsewhere’ in Australia. Younger people tend to be more comfortable with cultural difference than previous generations and cite their own diverse network of friends as one of the reasons for this. Even so, some describe experiences of racism that engender a feeling of exclusion from ‘mainstream’ society. In their everyday lives, social relationships are navigated through regular and familiar connections on the one hand, and experiences and expressions of disconnection on the other. Racism and tolerance may be expressed almost simultaneously. These disconnections are often managed through ‘practical tolerance',allowing them to negotiate these apparent contradictions. The connections can be based simultaneously on such things as work, family,religion, friendships or location. The result is a multilayered sense of personal belonging and community connection. A large number of respondents in these focus groups expressed frustration at the failings of media, especially news and current affairs coverage, yet spoke enthusiastically about the accessibility and range of media compared to what was available to previous generations. In their many forms, media remain a key ingredient of self-identification among younger Australians of culturally diverse backgrounds who are especially cynical about media and disillusioned by their perceived inability to influence issues that are important to them. These findings reveal that although they may be cynical about media messages, these younger Australians are looking for connection through media and are seeking ways to participate in meaningful ways. This raises questions about the possibilities for media to empower younger people to play a part in genuine cultural democracy. By capturing the attitudes of Australians of culturally diverse backgrounds under the age of 40, Connecting Diversity: Paradoxes of Multicultural Australia provides an insight into social trends and the generational and cultural changes that are now shaping Australia.

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Sunnybank represents a distinctly Australian take on the classic ‘Chinatown’ – or indeed other ethic community enclaves such as ‘little Italy’, ‘little Bombay’, ‘little Athens’ and so on. In the Northern Hemisphere these tended to grow up in the dense working class neighbourhoods of industrial cities, especially in port cities like Liverpool, London, New York and San Francisco. The existing Chinatowns of Sydney and Melbourne, and to some extent Brisbane’s Fortitude Valley, are of this variety. In the late 1970s, with the growth of suburbanisation and the de-industrialisation and consequent dereliction of the ‘inner city’, these ethnic communities were one of the few signs of life in the city. Apart from the daily commute into the CBD, business with the city council or a trip to the big shopping streets these areas were one of the few reasons for visiting city centres stigmatised by urban decay and petty crime.

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Local communities are vulnerable to the potential environmental risks associated with construction activity. Currently, little is understood about how perceptions of environmental risks are shaped and spread within a community. A better understanding of this process can help bridge the gap between developers and communities and bring about more sustainable development practices. This paper reports a research methodology which uses social contagion theory to investigate this process. The research adopts a single case study approach of a highly controversial housing project in the greater Sydney metropolitan area. The case study is particularly significant as it investigates an extensive and on-going community-based protest campaign (dating back almost 20 years) that has generated the longest standing 24 hour community picket in the New South Wales.

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Immigrant entrepreneurship, or, self-employment by immigrants (Light & Bonacich, 1988), has been of growing interest to researchers (Hosler, 1996). This is due in part to major immigrant receiving countries, such as Australia, the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom and Western Europe, experiencing a high growth rate in their immigrant populations, leading to a more visible presence of immigrant business in major cities (Woon, 2008). By starting their own businesses, immigrant entrepreneurs may circumvent some of the barriers and disadvantages encountered in looking for a job (Sequeira & Rasheed, 2006). Successful immigrant entrepreneurs will integrate into the economy by creating jobs, providing products and services for members of their own ethnic community and society, as well as introducing new products and services that expand consumers’ choices (Rath & Kloosterman, 2000). Immigrant entrepreneurs tend to start business within their ethnic enclave, as it is an integral part of their social and cultural context and the location where ethnic resources reside (Logan et al., 2002). An ethnic enclave is an interdependent network of social and business relationships that are geographically concentrated with its co-ethnic people (Portes & Bach, 1985).

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Scientific efforts to understand and reduce the occurrence of road crashes continue to expand, particularly in the areas of vulnerable road user groups. Three groups that are receiving increasing attention within the literature are younger drivers, motorcyclists and older drivers. These three groups are at an elevated risk of being in a crash or seriously injured, and research continues to focus on the origins of this risk as well as the development of appropriate countermeasures to improve driving outcomes for these cohorts. However, it currently remains unclear what factors produce the largest contribution to crash risk or what countermeasures are likely to produce the greatest long term positive effects on road safety. This paper reviews research that has focused on the personal and environmental factors that increase crash risk for these groups as well as considers direction for future research in the respective areas. A major theme to emerge from this review is that while there is a plethora of individual and situational factors that influence the likelihood of crashes, these factors often combine in an additive manner to exacerbate the risk of both injury and fatality. Additionally, there are a number of risk factors that are pertinent for all three road user groups, particularly age and the level of driving experience. As a result, targeted interventions that address these factors are likely to maximise the flow-on benefits to a wider range of road users. Finally, there is a need for further research that aims to bridge the research-to-practice gap, in order to develop appropriate pathways to ensure that evidenced-based research is directly transferred to effective policies that improve safety outcomes.

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Diaspora philanthropy is a popular buzzword; however, what the term encompasses or how institutionalised the phenomenon is remains an open question. There are as many views and definitions of diaspora philanthropy as there are diaspora communities involved. It is often seen as a potential source of funding for geographic regions, religions or ethnic communities globally. But identifying a framework for diaspora philanthropy is difficult. Unlike the literature on international philanthropy (including ethnic philanthropy and cross-border philanthropy), which has been a predominant topic of interest in recent years, the literature on diaspora philanthropy is scarce. There is a variety of opinion on what should and should not be considered under this scribe, which makes it impossible to provide a definitive description of diaspora philanthropy that suits everyone. The term “diaspora” has different meanings for different individuals and groups of people. Some see it as relating only to exiled and ejected communities of people; others use the term to refer to individuals or groups who are living in a new homeland whether by choice or circumstance. This paper defines “diaspora” in terms of an individual or group which identifies with an original homeland, (either theirs or a member of their family’s such as a grandparent), and is in the diaspora whether through their choice or a circumstance beyond their control. This obligatory identification towards a homeland differentiates this study on diaspora philanthropy from those that define it as an affiliation with a religious community and not necessarily a specific homeland.

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Food modelling systems such as the Core Foods and the Australian Guide to Healthy Eating are frequently used as nutritional assessment tools for menus in ‘well’ groups (such as boarding schools, prisons and mental health facilities), with the draft Foundation and Total Diets (FATD) the latest revision. The aim of this paper is to apply the FATD to an assessment of food provision in a long stay, ‘well’, group setting to determine its usefulness as a tool. A detailed menu review was conducted in a 1000 bed male prison, including verification of all recipes. Full diet histories were collected on 106 prisoners which included foods consumed from the menu and self funded snacks. Both the menu and diet histories were analysed according to core foods, with recipes used to assist in quantification of mixed dishes. Comparison was made of average core foods with Foundation Diet recommendations (FDR) for males. Results showed that the standard menu provided sufficient quantity for 8 of 13 FDRs, however was low in nuts, legumes, refined cereals and marginally low in fruits and orange vegetables. The average prisoner diet achieved 9 of 13 FDRs, notably with margarines and oils less than half and legumes one seventh of recommended. Overall, although the menu and prisoner diets could easily be assessed using the FDRs, it was not consistent with recommendations. In long stay settings other Nutrient Reference Values not modelled in the FATDS need consideration, in particular, Suggested Dietary Targets and professional judgement is required in interpretation.

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