Nationalisme économique et réalisme mercantile : la politique énergétique russe sous Poutine (2000-2008)

Mon travail met en évidence la restructuration de l'industrie énergétique russe sous les deux mandats Poutine (2000-2008) via le rôle prédominant de l'État dans une perspective historique. Une nouvelle élite politique russe (les Silovikis) issue des structures de force de l'Etat favorise le nationalisme économique axé sur le rétablissement de l'autorité du gouvernement central au sein de l'industrie énergétique nationale au détriment des pouvoirs régionaux, des sociétés privées étrangères et des oligarques indépendants. Dans cette perspective, on peut citer "l'affaire Youkos" en 2003 caractérisée par l'arrestation de l'oligarque Mikhaïl Khodorkhovsky; les tentatives silovikiennes de reprendre l'ascendant sur les compagnies pétrolières régionales Tatneft et Bachneft gérées par les gouvernements tatar et bachkir, la pression fiscale envers les majors pétrolières étrangères à l'instar du conflit russo- britannique relatif à la joint-venture TNK-BP. Quant à la politique énergétique étrangère russe, elle est inspirée par line vision réaliste mercantile; le gouvernement silovikien vise à défendre l'intérêt national, le prestige et la puissance de la Russie via ses "champions" énergétiques Rosneft et Gazprom utilisés comme levier politique, notamment à l'égard des pays de la CEI considéré par Moscou comme sa sphère d'influence historique. Dans cette perspective, nous pouvons mentionner l'interruption des approvisionnements pétroliers et gaziers russes à l'Ukraine, aux Etats baltes ou encore à la Géorgie; la concurrence entre les majors russes et étrangères en Asie centrale / Caucase pour les champs pétrolifères et les tracés de pipelines (nouveau «Grand Jeu»); la diversification des marchés russes à l'exportation à travers la promotion de nouveaux pipelines partant des champs pétrolifères sibériens vers la Chine et l'océan Pacifique.¦My work highlights the restructuration of the Russian energy industry under the 2 Putin madates (2000-2008) by the predominant role of the state in a historical perspective. A new Russian politic elite (Siloviki) from state structure forces promotes the economic nationalism focused on the reestablishment of the central governmental authority in the national energy industry against regional powers, private foreign companies and independent oligarchs. In this perspective, we can mention the "Yukos Affair" in 2003 with the arrest of the oligarch Mikhail Khodorkhovsky; the silovikian attempts to take over the regional oil companies Tatneft and Bachneft handled by the Tatar and Bashkir governments; the fiscal silovikian pressure against foreign companies such as the Russo-Britannic joint- venture TNK-BP. As for the Russian energy Foreign policy, it is inspired by a mercantile realism vision; the silovikian government aims to defend the national interest, the prestige and the power of Russia through its energy companies Rosneft and Gazprom as a political leverage especially toward the CEI Countries considered by Moscow as it historical sphere of influence. In this perspective, we can mention the interruption of Russian oil&gas supply toward Ukraine, Baltic states or Georgia; the competition between Russian and foreign companies in Central Asia/Caucasus for oil and gas fields and pipeline routes (new "Great Game"); the diversification of Russian export markets through the promotion ο new pipelines from Siberian oil&gas fields to China and the Pacific Ocean.

Communication, coordination and efficiency in evolutionary one-population models

We analyze the role of commitment in pre-play communication for ensuringefficient evolutionarily stable outcomes in coordination games. All players are a priori identical as they are drawn from the same population. In games where efficient outcomes can be reached by players coordinating on the same action we find commitment to be necessary to enforce efficiency. In games where efficienct outcomes only result from play of different actions, communication without commitment is most effective although efficiency can no longer be guaranteed. Only when there are many messages then inefficient outcomes are negligible as their basins of attraction become very small.

Promoção da língua portuguesa no mundo : hipótese de modelo estratégico

De successifs Gouvernements du Portugal, Organisations du Gouvernement Portugais et ses représentants légitimes, non mal de fois, s’affolent à associer la Langue Portugaise non seulement à l’identité Nationale mais aussi comme un moyen de reconnaissance internationale du pays, liée à une vision plus élargie reliée au concept géolinguistique et géopolitique de Lusophonie. Un concept particulièrement important et opératif qu’il est assimilé à l’image d’autres langues de présence globale ou, du moins, comme des langues de communication international intercontinental – comme les pays Anglophones, Spanophones et Francophones -. Le but, est celui de promouvoir l’usage international de la langue portugaise aussi que le développement économique et social des huit pays rassemblés à la Communauté des Pays de Langue Portugaise (CPLP). Cette étude, essaye de trouver les relations entre le discours officiel diffusé et les programmes de chaque Gouvernement depuis 1974. Une recherche sur la promotion, diffusion et/ou défense de la langue portugaise soit en temps que PLE (Portugais Langue Étrangère), soit en temps que dans le domaine de l’usage de la Langue Portugaise dans les différents Forums Internationaux dont le Portugal et les autres pays de langue portugaise font partie. Les discours et les documents officiels nous présentent toujours la promotion et diffusion de la langue comme une priorité, un impératif national, il est donc aussi impératif de confronter tous ces mots, dits et écrits, avec la réalité de l’action politique, voir, la politique de la langue effectivement mise en place, par les successifs gouvernements.

Strategy communication and measurement systems

Organizations often face the challenge of communicating their strategiesto local decision makers. The difficulty presents itself in finding away to measure performance wich meaningfully conveys how to implement theorganization's strategy at local levels. I show that organizations solvethis communication problem by combining performance measures in such away that performance gains come closest to mimicking value-added asdefined by the organization's strategy. I further show how organizationsrebalance performance measures in response to changes in their strategies.Applications to the design of performance metrics, gaming, and divisionalperformance evaluation are considered. The paper also suggests severalempirical ways to evaluate the practical importance of the communicationrole of measurement systems.

Mandatory communication skills training for oncologists: enforcement does not substantially impact satisfaction.

PURPOSE: Even though there is evidence that both patients and oncology clinicians are affected by the quality of communication and that communication skills can be effectively trained, so-called Communication Skills Trainings (CSTs) remain heterogeneously implemented. METHODS: A systematic evaluation of the level of satisfaction of oncologists with the Swiss CST before (2000-2005) and after (2006-2012) it became mandatory. RESULTS: Levels of satisfaction with the CST were high, and satisfaction of physicians participating on a voluntary or mandatory basis did not significantly differ for the majority of the items. CONCLUSIONS: The evaluation of physicians' satisfaction over the years and after introduction of mandatory training supports recommendations for generalized implementation of CST and mandatory training for medical oncologists.

Promoção da língua portuguesa no mundo : hipótese de modelo estratégico

Sucessivos Governos, Organizações Governamentais e responsáveis desses Governos e Organizações têm apresentado até ao presente e de forma veemente e repetida uma sistemática ligação da língua portuguesa não só à identidade nacional como também a uma forma de reconhecimento internacional ligada a uma visão mais ampla, geolinguística e geopolítica de uma Lusofonia, capaz de agir de forma concertada conforme ao exemplo de outros blocos político-linguísticos, como o Francófono, o Espanófono ou o Anglófono, por forma a promover o uso alargado da língua portuguesa como língua internacional e o desenvolvimento económico e social dos países membros da Comunidade de Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP). Este trabalho é um estudo sobre a indissociável relação entre as reiteradas afirmações constantes no discurso oficial e nos documentos legais que as suportam no que respeita à promoção e difusão do uso da Língua Portuguesa quer como Língua Estrangeira (PLE), quer na promoção do seu uso nas Organizações Internacionais de que Portugal, os Países de Língua Portuguesa ou de Língua Oficial Portuguesa fazem parte. Este discurso oficial sobre a língua e a documentação legal que a suporta, que surge sempre apresentado como uma prioridade política e como desígnio nacional, impõe a necessária confrontação entre a afirmação daqueles propósitos e a realidade da política de língua implementada de facto, ou seja, a forma como esse desígnio nacional é levado à prática pelo Estado e, logo, pelos governantes que agem em seu nome e definem esta política de língua externa ao longo de um período de cerca de 30 anos de democracia em que este estudo se centra.