'Team GB', 'Team England' or 'Team Scotland'? Media Representations of 'Britishness', 'Englishness' and 'Scottishness' in London 2012 and Glasgow 2014

Given the timing of the Scottish independence referendum in September 2014, the hosting of both the London 2012 Olympic Games and the Glasgow 2014 Commonwealth Games coincided with a period of considerable political turmoil and reflection within the United Kingdom. The extensive levels of public, political and media scrutiny of both of these major sporting events can therefore be framed within a wider consideration of the contemporary dynamics of the political union between the constituent nations of the UK, as well as the multifarious forms of national identities expressed within the various regions of the ‘nation-state’. Despite the growing influence of social media forms within contemporary society, politics and sport within the UK, the ‘traditional’ print media retain a central (although arguably diminishing) role in the dissemination of information relating to major societal, political and sporting issues to the British public. This paper will therefore critically reflect upon the nature of print media representations of ‘Britishness’, ‘Englishness’ and ‘Scottishness’ at London 2012 and Glasgow 2014 from both London-based and Scotland-based publications, drawing upon empirical data from completed and ongoing doctoral theses from the respective authors. In particular, the implications of the contrasting competitive structures of each event will be considered, given the symbolic differences between the unitary ‘Team GB’ at the London 2012 Olympics and the separated representative teams for Scotland and England at the Glasgow 2014 Commonwealth Games.

(Dis)located Olympic Patriots: Sporting Connections, Administrative Communications and Imperial Ether in Interwar New Zealand

During the interwar period (1919–1939), protagonists of the early New Zealand Olympic Committee (NZOC) worked to renegotiate and improve the country's international sporting participation and involvement in the International Olympic Committee. To this end, NZOC effectively used its locally based administrators and well-placed expatriates in Britain to variously assert the organization's nascent autonomy, independence and political power, progress Antipodean athlete's causes and counter any potential doubt about the nation's peripheral position in imperial sporting dialogues. Adding to the corpus of scholarship on New Zealand's ties and tribulations with imperial Britain, both in and beyond sport (e.g. Beilharz and Cox, 2007, “Settler Capitalism Revisited,” Thesis Eleven 88: 112–124; Belich, 2001, Paradise Reforged: A History of the New Zealanders from the 1880s to the Year 2000, Auckland: Allen Lane; Belich, 2007, Making Peoples: A History of the New Zealanders from Polynesian Settlement to the End of the Nineteenth Century, Auckland: The Penguin Group; Coombes, 2006, Rethinking Settler Colonialism: History and Memory in Australia, Canada, Aotearoa New Zealand and South Africa, Manchester: Manchester University Press; MacLean, 2010, “New Zealand (Aotearoa),” In Routledge Companion to Sports History, edited by Steve W. Pope and John Nauright, 510–525, London: Routledge; Phillips, 1984, “Rugby, War and the Mythology of the New Zealand Male,” The New Zealand Journal of History 18 (1): 83–103; Phillips, 1987, A Man's Country: The Image of the Pakeha Male, Auckland: Penguin Books; Ryan, 2004, The Making of New Zealand Cricket, 1832–1914, London: Frank Cass; Ryan, 2005, Tackling Rugby Myths: Rugby and New Zealand Society 1854–2004, Dunedin: University of Otago Press; Ryan, 2007, “Sport in 19th-Century Aotearoa/New Zealand: Opportunities and Constraints,” In Sport in Aotearoa/New Zealand Society, edited by Chris Collins and Steve Jackson, 96–111, Auckland: Thomson), I will examine how the political actions and strategic location of three key NZOC agents (specifically, administrator Harry Amos and expatriates Arthur Porritt and Jack Lovelock) worked in their own particular ways to assert the position of the organization within the global Olympic fraternity. I argue that the efforts of Amos, Porritt and Lovelock also concomitantly served to remind Commonwealth sporting colleagues (namely Britain and Australia) that New Zealand could not be characterized as, or relegated to being, a distal, subdued or subservient colonial sporting partner. Subsequently, I contend that NZOC's development during the interwar period, and particularly the utility of expatriate agents, can be contextualized against historiographical shifts that encourage us to rethink, reimagine and rework narratives of empire, colonization, national identity, commonwealth and belonging.

Britain and the threat to stability in Europe 1918-45

After the horrors of the First World War a dialogue began between European statesmen seeking some form of European integration as a way of achieving lasting peace. During the inter-war period this idea started to attract support in Britain even though Britain's strategic and economic interests remained focused outside Europe. This book explores Britain's relations with the continent between 1918 and 1945, focussing on diplomatic and military responses to the major crises and examining attitudes to the idea of Europe in the broader context of relations with the Empire, Commonwealth and the USA.

As mulheres na elite parlamentar: o paradoxo moçambicano

O propósito do presente trabalho é analisar o acesso da mulher no parlamento moçambicano, e tentar explicar a razão do bom desempenho em atingir um alto número de deputadas e qual é o grau da sua participação na política. Nos últimos vinte anos, em consequência da democracia que se fez sentir em todos os cantos do mundo, tem-se assistido ao alargamento do espaço para uma maior participação política dos cidadãos nos processos de tomada de decisão em todos os níveis. Igualmente, assistiu-se a integração de novas perspectivas de participação política do cidadão, dentro as quais, a perspectiva orientada para factores de género, como uma maneira de entender a relação e interacção entre homens e mulheres na esfera política. Os diferentes processos de transição política que marcaram o continente africano nos finais dos anos 80 e início dos anos 90, possibilitaram a abertura para uma maior participação do cidadão nos processos políticos, económicos, sociais, porém, alguns estudos, indicam que tal abertura ainda não está a produzir mudanças no que concerne à eliminação das desigualdades entre homens e mulheres na participação política. Os homens ainda continuam a ocupar lugares de destaque nos centros de tomada de decisão em relação às mulheres, o que nos permite concluir que ainda existem discrepâncias nas relações entre homens e mulheres, bem como no espaço de tomada de decisão. O número crescente de mulheres a cargos de direcção e chefia, bem como, o seu envolvimento e participação na tomada de decisões a vários níveis, fazem parte dos resultados das acções empreendidas pelo governo e pela sociedade civil para o avanço da mulher e equilíbrio das relações de género. O que permite perceber o reconhecimento da importância de envolver as mulheres nos processos de tomada de decisão a todos os níveis. VI Moçambique tem uma alta percentagem de mulheres parlamentares (39,2%), cenário que de acordo com Agência Sueca de Desenvolvimento Internacional (ASDI) 2005, um dos motivos deve-se ao sistema de quotas adoptado pelo partido FRELIMO (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique) que prevê que a mulher deve perfazer um terço das candidaturas. Factor este que em 2005, fez com que Moçambique atingisse 30% nos órgãos de decisão conforme o recomendado pela Commonwealth. O acesso ao poder e a participação da mulher no parlamento moçambicano contribui para trazer mudanças nas relações de género, assim como na definição de políticas e estratégias que visam uma maior emancipação da mulher. No entanto, este reconhecimento não se expressa ainda num real acesso e exercício político por parte das mulheres, pois estas ainda enfrentam uma série de barreiras a nível familiar, comunitário e institucional para aceder ao espaço político. Mesmo nos cenários em que elas acedem ao espaço político não fazem o uso devido de modo a influenciar os processos e agendas políticas para a necessidade de incorporar aspectos de género, ou orientados para o esforço das capacidades de participação das mulheres. A participação da mulher no parlamento não pode ser medida apenas em termos do número de mulheres que fazem parte do parlamento, esses números, não podem ser tomados como sinónimo de melhoria generalizada dos direitos e oportunidades das mulheres.

Important state papers : declaration of war, Washington, June 18, 4 o'clock, P.M.

Message to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States / James Madison -- Report : the Committee on Foreign relations, to whom was referred the message of the President of the United States of the 1st of June, 1812 -- An Act, declaring war between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America and their territories -- Address of the Senate to the people of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

A crisis of social democracy : organized labour and the NDP in an era of neoliberalism

The NDP was founded out of the ashes of the Co-Operative Commonwealth Federation to cooperate with the Canadian Labour Congress to become the 'political arm of organized labour' in Canada. The NDP has long claimed they are the party which represents the policy goals of organized labour in Canada: that the NDP alone will fight for trade union rights, and will fight for Canadian workers. Divergent Paths is an examination of the links between the labour movement and the ND P in an era ofneo-liberalism. Provincial NDP governments have become increasingly neoliberal in their ideological orientation, and have often proved to be no friend to the labour movement when they hold office. The Federal party has never held power, nor have they ever formed the Official Opposition. This thesis charts the progress of the federal NDP as they become more neoliberal from 1988 to 2006, and shows how this trend effects the links between the NDP and labour. Divergent Paths studies each federal election from 1988 to 2006, looking at the interactions between Labour and the NDP during these elections. Elections provide critical junctions to study discourse - party platforms, speeches, and other official documents can be used to examine discourse. Extensive newspaper searches were used to follow campaign events and policy speeches. Studying the party's discourse can be used to determine the ideological orientation of the party itself: the fact that the party's discourse has become neoliberal is a sure sign that the party itself is neoliberal. The NDP continues to drive towards the centre of the political spectrum in an attempt to gain multi-class support. The NDP seems more interested in gaining seats at any cost, rather then promoting the agenda of Labour. As the party attempts to open up to more multi-class support, Labour becomes increasingly marginalised in the party. A rift which arguably started well before the 1988 election was exacerbated during that election; labour encouraged the NDP to campaign solely on the issue of Free Trade, and the NDP did not. The 1993 election saw the rift between the two grow even further as the Federal NDP suffered major blowbacks from the actions of the Ontario NDP. The 1997 and 2000 elections saw the NDP make a deliberate move to the centre of the political spectrum which increasingly marginalised labour. In the 2004 election, Jack Layton made no attempt to move the party back to the left; and in 2006 the link between labour and the NDP was perhaps irreparably damaged when the CAW endorsed the Liberal party in a strategic voting strategy, and the CLC did not endorse the NDP. The NDP is no longer a reliable ally of organized labour. The Canadian labour movement must decide wether the NDP can be 'salvaged' or if the labour movement should end their alliance with the NDP and engage in a new political project.

Gwladys Cunningham fonds, 1933-1934, 1940, 1942-1968, n.d.

Gwladys Cunningham was the Secretary-Treasurer of the Lincoln N.D.P. Ladies Group as well as involved in the CCF [Co-operative Commonwealth Federation] branch in Thorold. Additional Cunningham family members may also have been involved in the activities of the Thorold Branch. The Thorold branch of the Ontario division of The Co-operative Commonwealth Federation held its first meeting on June 15, 1933 at the home of Mark Kriluck. The branch became an official unit of the CCF when it was granted a charter in August of that same year. Officers elected at the annual meeting in October were W.G. Campbell, President, Jane Griffiths, Vice-President, James Logan Secretary and Mark Kriluck Treasurer. In 1960 the CCF voted to officially change their name to The New Democratic Party. The branch later became known as the Lincoln and Welland Riding Association of The New Democratic Party. Rare publications directly related to the CCF and the NDP remain with the fonds. Some publications were removed and placed in the general stack collection. See below for a list of books that were removed from the fonds and placed in the general collection.

Important state papers : declaration of war, Washington, June 18, 4 o'clock, P.M

Message to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States / James Madison -- Report : the Committee on Foreign relations, to whom was referred the message of the President of the United States of the 1st of June, 1812 -- An Act, declaring war between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America and their territories -- Address of the Senate to the people of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

Two models of constitutionalism and the legitimacy of law : Dicey or Marshall ?

The article was first published in the Oxford University Commonwealth Law Journal.

Le devoir fiduciaire d'agir dans le meilleur intérêt de la compagnie insolvable: comment concilier les intérêts de l'actionnaire et du créancier?

Le présent mémoire analyse l'impact du contexte d'insolvabilité sur le devoir fiduciaire d'agir dans le meilleur intérêt de la compagnie, devoir imposer aux administrateurs de compagnies par la législation corporative canadienne. L'objectif du mémoire est de déterminer un standard de conduite à être adopté par l'administrateur d'une compagnie insolvable en vue de répondre à ce devoir fiduciaire. Dans un premier temps, comment peut-on définir ce que constitue le « meilleur intérêt de la compagnie» ? L'auteur en vient à la conclusion que l'intérêt de la compagnie est au carrefour d'une communauté d'intérêts lui étant sous-jacents. L'intérêt de la compagnie, bien qu'indépendant de ces intérêts sous-jacents, ne peut s'analyser en faisant abstraction de ces derniers. La jurisprudence et la doctrine récentes laissent entrevoir que l'impact du contexte d'insolvabilité se fait sentir sur la détermination de ces intérêts sous-jacents à celui de la compagnie susceptibles d'être affectés par la finalité poursuivie par la compagnie, finalité axée sur la maximisation des profits à partir des opérations de l'entreprise exploitée par la compagnie. Dans un contexte d'insolvabilité, le créancier, à l'instar de l'actionnaire dans un contexte de solvabilité, supporte le risque commercial résiduel et doit recevoir une attention appropriée par les administrateurs. Par conséquent, dans la détermination de ce que constitue le meilleur intérêt de la compagnie, l'administrateur ne peut, lorsque la compagnie est insolvable, faire abstraction de l'intérêt des créanciers. Ainsi, dans un deuxième temps, qui sont les véritables bénéficiaires du devoir fiduciaire d'agir dans le meilleur intérêt de la compagnie dans un contexte d'insolvabilité? L'auteur en vient à la conclusion que le créancier est un bénéficiaire indirect de ce devoir fiduciaire lorsque la compagnie est insolvable. Tout comme l'actionnaire dans un contexte de solvabilité, le créancier doit être en mesure d'intenter un recours de nature dérivée en vue d'obtenir réparation, pour et au nom de la compagnie. Le contexte d'insolvabilité fait naître, à l'endroit des administrateurs, une obligation de nature fiduciaire de prendre en considération l'intérêt des créanciers tout en permettant à ces derniers d'intenter un tel recours dérivé en vue d'obtenir réparation à la suite d'une violation du devoir fiduciaire d'agir dans le meilleur intérêt de la compagnie. En plus d'être soutenue par une revue de la législation, de la jurisprudence et de la doctrine canadiennes, cette conclusion s'appuie sur une revue de la législation, de la jurisprudence et de la doctrine de certains pays du Commonwealth (Angleterre, Australie et Nouvelle-Zélande) et des États-Unis, juridictions avec lesquelles le Canada entretient des relations privilégiés, historiquement ou économiquement. Finalement, que doit faire l'administrateur d'une compagnie insolvable en vue de répondre à ce devoir fiduciaire d'agir dans le meilleur intérêt de la compagnie? L'auteur arrive à la conclusion que cette obligation de prendre en considération l'intérêt du créancier dans un contexte d'insolvabilité se traduit par un exercice de conciliation entre les intérêts du créancier et ceux des actionnaires. Les paramètres de cet exercice de conciliation sont déterminés en fonction du scénario envisagé par les administrateurs face à la situation d'insolvabilité. Plus le scénario se rapproche d'une liquidation plus ou moins formelle des actifs tangibles et facilement dissociables de la compagnie, moins cet exercice en sera un de conciliation et plus l'intérêt du créancier devra recevoir une attention prépondérante. À l'opposé, plus le scénario en est un de restructuration fondée sur une relance de l'entreprise exploitée par la compagnie insolvable, plus l'intérêt de l'actionnaire devra recevoir une attention particulière.

Le Canada et la politique étrangère de la France, 1945-1962 : stratégies d'une puissance moyenne.

Ce mémoire questionne l'influence internationale du Canada lors du Golden Age en fournissant une étude de cas de sa politique étrangère focalisée sur ses relations avec la France. Les institutions multilatérales constituaient la pierre angulaire de la politique extérieure canadienne; elles devaient lui conférer des contrepoids politiques et économiques pour s'autonomiser des États-Unis. Pour la France, ces institutions étaient souvent perçues comme une contrainte et elle cherchait à les affaiblir ou les réformer. Parallèlement, elle tentait de préserver son empire colonial et exigeait un appui occidental unanime. Elle fut l'allié occidental qui attaquait le plus systématiquement le projet canadien d'une politique étrangère reposant sur l'équilibre entre un engagement à l'OTAN et une politique ouvertement anticoloniale devant courtiser les pays non alignés du Commonwealth. Cette étude s'intéresse aux stratégies d'action d'une «puissance moyenne» qui tentait de désamorcer les crises interalliées et de réconcilier les dimensions contradictoires de sa propre politique extérieure.

Análisis de la Política Exterior Rusa en materia energética, comercial y militar hacia la República de Moldavia (Período 2000-2010)

Rusia sufrió grandes cambios tras la desintegración de la URSS en 1991. No obstante, con la llegada de Vladimir Putin al poder, los intereses geoestratégicos de Rusia sobre el espacio postsoviético revivieron con nuevo ímpetu debido a una mayor cantidad de recursos a disposición del Estado. La República de Moldavia es un claro ejemplo del resurgir de la política exterior rusa hacia el espacio postsoviético, siendo incluso, una región clave en la lucha de la Federación Rusa por recuperar su zona de influencia.

Análisis de la Política Exterior rusa enmarcada en el concepto de “Espacio Post-soviético”, a la luz de la teoría de Realismo Clásico de Hans Morgenthau durante los dos periodos de Vladimir Putin, 2000 A 2008

La Política Exterior rusa ha tenido un giro sustancial con la llegada de Vladimir Putin en el año 2000. En consecuencia, esto se ve reflejado en las acciones tomadas por el Kremlin con las revoluciones de Ucrania (Revolución Naranja) y Georgia (Revolución de las Rosas). La apuesta de los dos mandatos de Putin era claramente influenciar su zona geográficamente más cercana, es decir el "Espacio Post-soviético".

La política exterior energética China y sus implicaciones geopolíticas en Asia Central (2000 - 2010)

El interés de la presente monografía es evaluar las implicaciones geopolíticas que ha tenido la política exterior energética China dentro la región de Asia Central. De esta manera, se analiza el papel de los recursos energéticos en las dinámicas geopolíticas que se están dando en la región centroasiática, al igual que la influencia de grandes potencias en esta zona. Así, teniendo en cuenta la teoría geopolítica de Saúl Bernard Cohen se sostiene que el acercamiento de China, a través de su política exterior energética, ha ayudado a transformar a Asia Central en un shatterbelt debido a su intención de ejercer influencia y control sobre los recursos de la región.