954 resultados para socialist societies


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No resulta fácil escribir sobre el lenguaje del mecenazgo en las sociedades islámicas, dado que en el árabe y el persa medievales no existe un término preciso para describirlo. A través de los siglos y en contextos diferentes se utilizan diversos términos para designar tal rea lidad. En ocasiones unas simples palabras bastaban para expresar relaciones de jerarquía, ascenso social o conocimiento entre las personas, mientras que otras veces se requería de un auténtico caudal lingüístico por el que se narraban, calibraban y enjuiciaban dichas relaciones. El uso de dichas palabras, así como su significado, estaba también definido espacial y socialmente. Este estudio pretende ofrecer una descripción de los problemas básicos a los que nos enfrentamos, ilustrándolos mediantes ejemplos procedentes de la medicina, la astrología y en ocasiones de la filosofía y la teología

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What drove the transition from small-scale human societies centred on kinship and personal exchange, to large-scale societies comprising cooperation and division of labour among untold numbers of unrelated individuals? We propose that the unique human capacity to negotiate institutional rules that coordinate social actions was a key driver of this transition. By creating institutions, humans have been able to move from the default ‘Hobbesian’ rules of the ‘game of life’, determined by physical/environmental constraints, into self-created rules of social organization where cooperation can be individually advantageous even in large groups of unrelated individuals. Examples include rules of food sharing in hunter–gatherers, rules for the usage of irrigation systems in agriculturalists, property rights and systems for sharing reputation between mediaeval traders. Successful institutions create rules of interaction that are self-enforcing, providing direct benefits both to individuals that follow them, and to individuals that sanction rule breakers. Forming institutions requires shared intentionality, language and other cognitive abilities largely absent in other primates. We explain how cooperative breeding likely selected for these abilities early in the Homo lineage. This allowed anatomically modern humans to create institutions that transformed the self-reliance of our primate ancestors into the division of labour of large-scale human social organization.

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This thesis examines the manufacture, use, exchange (including gift exchange), collecting and commodification of German medals and badges from the early 18th century until the present-day, with particular attention being given to the symbols that were deployed by the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) between 1919 and 1945. It does so by focusing in particular on the construction of value through insignia, and how such badges and their symbolic and monetary value changed over time. In order to achieve this, the thesis adopts a chronological structure, which encompasses the creation of Prussia in 1701, the Napoleonic wars and the increased democratisation of military awards such as the Iron Cross during the Great War. The collapse of the Kaiserreich in 1918 was the major factor that led to the creation of the NSDAP under the eventual strangle-hold of Hitler, a fundamentally racist and anti-Semitic movement that continued the German tradition of awarding and wearing badges. The traditional symbols of Imperial Germany, such as the eagle, were then infused with the swastika, an emblem that was meant to signify anti-Semitism, thus creating a hybrid identity. This combination was then replicated en-masse, and eventually eclipsed all the symbols that had possessed symbolic significance in Germany’s past. After Hitler was appointed Chancellor in 1933, millions of medals and badges were produced in an effort to create a racially based “People’s Community”, but the steel and iron that were required for munitions eventually led to substitute materials being utilised and developed in order to manufacture millions of politically oriented badges. The Second World War unleashed Nazi terror across Europe, and the conscripts and volunteers who took part in this fight for living-space were rewarded with medals that were modelled on those that had been instituted during Imperial times. The colonial conquest and occupation of the East by the Wehrmacht, the Order Police and the Waffen-SS surpassed the brutality of former wars that finally culminated in the Holocaust, and some of these horrific crimes and the perpetrators of them were perversely rewarded with medals and badges. Despite Nazism being thoroughly discredited, many of the Allied soldiers who occupied Germany took part in the age-old practice of obtaining trophies of war, which reconfigured the meaning of Nazi badges as souvenirs, and began the process of their increased commodification on an emerging secondary collectors’ market. In order to analyse the dynamics of this market, a “basket” of badges is examined that enables a discussion of the role that aesthetics, scarcity and authenticity have in determining the price of the artefacts. In summary, this thesis demonstrates how the symbolic, socio-economic and exchange value of German military and political medals and badges has changed substantially over time, provides a stimulus for scholars to conduct research in this under-developed area, and encourages collectors to investigate the artefacts that they collect in a more historically contextualised manner.

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The paper presents a historiographic context helpful in the current investigations of the cultural contacts between the societies of the east and west of Europe in the borderland of Podolia and moldova in the late Eneolithic and the prologue of the Bronze age . The focus is on the state of research (chiefly taxonomic and topogenetic) into the sequence of taxa in the age of early ‘barrow-building’, identified in the funerary rituals of societies settling the forest-steppe of the north- western Black Sea Coast in the 4th/3rd-2nd millennium BC .

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The paper discusses the taxonomy and autogenesis of the cycle of early ‘barrow cultures’ developed by the local communities of the middle Dniester Area or, in a broader comparative context, the north-western Black Sea Coast, in the 4th/3rd-2nd millennium BC . The purpose of the study is to conduct an analytical and conceptual entry point to the research questions of the dniester Contact area, specifically the contacts between autochthonous ‘late Eneolithic’ communities (Yamnaya, Catacomb and Babyno cultures) and incoming communities from the Baltic basin . The discussion of these cultures continues in other papers presented in this volume of Baltic-Pontic Studies.

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Ce mémoire porte sur le rôle des cercles abolitionnistes dans l’application des lois sur l’émancipation graduelle de l’esclavage dans le nord des États-Unis vers la fin du dix-huitième siècle, principalement à New York et en Pennsylvanie. Plus particulièrement, il met en lumière la façon dont ces cercles, dont les deux plus importants étaient la Pennsylvania Abolition So-ciety (PAS) et le New­York Manumission Society (NYMS), ont fait face aux centaines de réfugiés de Saint-Domingue qui sont arrivés avec leurs esclaves sur la côte est américaine pour fuir la révolution haïtienne dans les années 1790. Dans un premier temps, ce mémoire étudie l’abolition graduelle de l’esclavage dans le nord des États-Unis, débutant avec la Pennsylvanie en 1780, et la formation des cercles abolitionnistes dans les anciennes colonies anglaises. Il sera en outre question des stratégies des antiesclavagistes américains afin de promouvoir l’abolition graduelle de l’esclavage et d’empêcher le mouvement des esclaves et des noirs libres en dehors des frontières de leurs États respectifs. Il sera aussi question de leurs efforts pour resserrer davantage les clauses des lois existantes à ce sujet. Dans un second temps, dans le but de mettre en relief la contribution des cercles abolitionnistes, ce mémoire procède à une étude de cas sur la manière dont les réfugiés de Saint-Domingue ont interagi avec l’esclavage résiduel à New York et en Pennsylvanie et cherche à comprendre pourquoi leurs tentatives d’échapper aux lois sur l’émancipation graduelle se sont heurtées, à plusieurs reprises, aux stratégies des sociétés antiesclavagistes.

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Ce mémoire porte sur le rôle des cercles abolitionnistes dans l’application des lois sur l’émancipation graduelle de l’esclavage dans le nord des États-Unis vers la fin du dix-huitième siècle, principalement à New York et en Pennsylvanie. Plus particulièrement, il met en lumière la façon dont ces cercles, dont les deux plus importants étaient la Pennsylvania Abolition So-ciety (PAS) et le New­York Manumission Society (NYMS), ont fait face aux centaines de réfugiés de Saint-Domingue qui sont arrivés avec leurs esclaves sur la côte est américaine pour fuir la révolution haïtienne dans les années 1790. Dans un premier temps, ce mémoire étudie l’abolition graduelle de l’esclavage dans le nord des États-Unis, débutant avec la Pennsylvanie en 1780, et la formation des cercles abolitionnistes dans les anciennes colonies anglaises. Il sera en outre question des stratégies des antiesclavagistes américains afin de promouvoir l’abolition graduelle de l’esclavage et d’empêcher le mouvement des esclaves et des noirs libres en dehors des frontières de leurs États respectifs. Il sera aussi question de leurs efforts pour resserrer davantage les clauses des lois existantes à ce sujet. Dans un second temps, dans le but de mettre en relief la contribution des cercles abolitionnistes, ce mémoire procède à une étude de cas sur la manière dont les réfugiés de Saint-Domingue ont interagi avec l’esclavage résiduel à New York et en Pennsylvanie et cherche à comprendre pourquoi leurs tentatives d’échapper aux lois sur l’émancipation graduelle se sont heurtées, à plusieurs reprises, aux stratégies des sociétés antiesclavagistes.

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The evolution of knowledge and technology in recent decades has brought profound changes in science policy, not only in the countries but also in the supranational organizations. It has been necessary, therefore, to adapt the scientific institutions to new models in order to achieve a greater and better communication between them and the political counterparts responsible for defining the general framework of relations between science and society. The Federationon of Scientific Societies of Spain (COSCE, Confederación de Sociedades Científicas de España) was founded in October 2003 to respond to the urgent need to interact with the political institutions and foster a better orientation in the process of making decisions about the science policy. Currently COSCE consists of over 70 Spanish scientific societies and more than 40,000 scientists. During its twelve years of active life, COSCE has developed an intense work of awareness of the real situation of science in Spain by launching several initiatives (some of which have joined other organizations) or by joining initiatives proposed from other groups related to science both at the Spanish level and at the European and non-European scenarios.

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The authors present a proposal to develop intelligent assisted living environments for home based healthcare. These environments unite the chronical patient clinical history sematic representation with the ability of monitoring the living conditions and events recurring to a fully managed Semantic Web of Things (SWoT). Several levels of acquired knowledge and the case based reasoning that is possible by knowledge representation of the health-disease history and acquisition of the scientific evidence will deliver, through various voice based natural interfaces, the adequate support systems for disease auto management but prominently by activating the less differentiated caregiver for any specific need. With these capabilities at hand, home based healthcare providing becomes a viable possibility reducing the institutionalization needs. The resulting integrated healthcare framework will provide significant savings while improving the generality of health and satisfaction indicators.

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Acculturation processes and intergroup relations lie at the heart of developing more inclusive social attitudes. Notably, these endeavors are embedded in primary socialization contexts of adolescents, as indicated by developmental and socio-psychological theoretical models reviewed in Chapter 1. Hence, this dissertation investigated how adolescents' acculturation processes and intergroup contact are embedded in family, peer, and school contexts. Accordingly, Chapter 2 indicated the combined effects of the perceived parents' acculturation orientations and classmates' acculturation preferences on adolescents' own acculturation orientations in Italy and Turkey. Chapter 3 showed that adolescents could be classified into one of four latent growth trajectory classes (i.e., ethnic-oriented, national-oriented, dual, and marginalized identities), which could be predicted by social identification with family and classmates. Chapter 4 highlighted that adolescents' cross-ethnic friendships mediated the positive associations of parents' cross-ethnic friendships with adolescents' psychological and social adjustment beyond the positive relationships between parents' and adolescents' friendships. Multiple studies conducted in Chapter 5 confirmed that a newly developed questionnaire (i.e., ICIS-Short Version) is a reliable tool to measure positive and negative contact among ethnic minority and majority adolescents. Chapter 6 revealed that teachers' equal treatment increased positive and decreased negative contact among ethnic minority and majority adolescents. Moreover, Chapter 7 indicated that adolescents’ positive and negative contact in the school context were related over time to higher corresponding positive and negative contact in out-of-school contexts and vice versa, while their positive contact in the school context was linked over time to lower levels of negative contact in the out-of-school contexts. Eventually, Chapter 8 strived to summarize and discuss these findings in light of social inclusivity. Overall, this dissertation tapped into the paramount importance of family, peer, and school contexts to provide a unique resource for adolescents to cope with acculturative challenges that go beyond the normative developmental tasks of adolescence.

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This research investigates the Soviet Union’s role in guiding state-building processes of postcolonial Arab countries of the Middle East, leading them to adopt economic and political elements of the socialist-Leninist models of development. The widespread narrative depicts the Soviets as having failed to export communism in those states and, therefore, as having failed to bring them closer to Moscow’s sphere of influence and values. However, various Soviet archives suggest a different reality. As the Cold War burst forth, between the mid-1950s and mid-1960s, contacts between Soviet and Arab officials were not just incredibly frequent but they went to the core of all main issues of socio-economic development of these transforming countries: party politics, institution building, agrarian reforms, industrialisation, security sector reforms, etc. The research focuses on a period that may be labelled as ‘the launching phase’ of the Soviet Middle East policy, which established a long-lasting framework for the Soviet-Arab dialogue. It also places significant attention on the ‘personal dimension’ of such a dialogue, showing how Moscow’s influence went hand in hand with the ability of Soviet leaders and diplomats to establish relations of personal trust with postcolonial Arab élites. A selected number of Arab countries are examined: Egypt, Iraq and Syria. For each of these countries, a limited period of time will be taken into consideration, when Soviet influence reached its peak and state-building policies might have drawn from the Soviet model (for Egypt 1954-1958; for Iraq 1958-1963; for Syria 1961-1966). On the one hand, the analysis of specific case-studies will allow to investigate the relationship between Moscow and each of these new Arab regimes; on the other, such a large geographical scope will permit to grasp the elements and the objectives of the broader Soviet policy towards the Middle East region.

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This thesis addresses the entanglements between the Namibian liberation struggle and the global Cold War, focusing on the socialist support provided to the South West African People Organization (SWAPO), the liberation movement that fought for the independence of the country from the South African regime. This thesis aims at analyzing three socialist models of solidarity with the SWAPO’s struggle that developed especially from the late 1970s. Combining archival sources and biographical accounts, it examines the politics of solidarity with SWAPO implemented by East Germany, Cuba, and the Italian Communist Party. The interest lies in understanding how solidarity was declined and received by internal promoters and external addressees. Thus, I explore how these three actors constructed their concept of solidarity with SWAPO according to their national and ideological contexts and how this was received by the SWAPO members who experienced it in various ways. Each socialist actor promoted solidarity with SWAPO by using varying narratives, pursuing their own objectives, and employing diverse instruments, thus carrying out different and sometimes competing visions of socialism and solidarity. On its side, SWAPO was able to take advantage from such visions, as each of them could serve its different needs in diverse ways. In providing a general overview of these three solidarity policies, this thesis has the objective of highlighting the internal pluralization of the “socialist solidarity regime” while at the same time contributing to the debate on the extent of SWAPO’s commitment to socialism during the Namibian liberation struggle. It argues that, while pragmatism has always guided SWAPO during the liberation struggle and the post-independence period, and non-alignment has always been its international stance, socialism has to some extent been a model for the revolution in Namibia, to the point that it is still influencing the SWAPO party today.

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Comparative studies on constitutional design for divided societies indicate that there is no magic formula to the challenges that these societies pose, as lots of factors influence constitutional design. In the literature on asymmetric federalism, the introduction of constitutional asymmetries is considered a flexible instrument of ethnic conflict resolution, as it provides a mixture of the two main theoretical approaches to constitutional design for divided societies (i.e., integration and accommodation). Indeed, constitutional asymmetries are a complex and multifaceted phenomenon, as their degree of intensity can vary across constitutional systems, and there are both legal and extra-legal factors that may explain such differences. This thesis argues that constitutional asymmetries provide a flexible model of constitutional design and aims to explore the legal factors that are most likely to explain the different degrees of constitutional asymmetry in divided multi-tiered systems. To this end, the research adopts a qualitative methodology, i.e., Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA), which allows an understanding of whether a condition or combination of conditions (i.e., the legal factors) determine the outcome (i.e., high, medium, low degree of constitutional asymmetry, or constitutional symmetry). The QCA is conducted on 16 divided multi-tiered systems, and for each case, the degree of constitutional asymmetry was analyzed by employing standardized indexes on subnational autonomy, allowing for a more precise measure of constitutional asymmetry than has previously been provided in the literature. Overall, the research confirms the complex nature of constitutional asymmetries, as the degrees of asymmetries vary substantially not only across systems but also within cases among the dimensions of subnational autonomy. The outcome of the Qualitative Comparative Analysis also confirms a path of complex causality since the different degrees of constitutional asymmetry always depend on several legal factors, that combined produce a low, medium, or high degree of constitutional asymmetry or, conversely, constitutional symmetry.

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The overall prevalence of infertility was estimated to be 3.5-16.7% in developing countries and 6.9-9.3% in developed countries. Furthermore, according to reports from some regions of sub-Saharan Africa, the prevalence rate is 30-40%. The consequences of infertility and how it affects the lives of women in poor-resource settings, particularly in developing countries, has become an important issue to be discussed in reproductive health. In some societies, the inability to fulfill the desire to have children makes life difficult for the infertile couple. In many regions, infertility is considered a tragedy that affects not only the infertile couple or woman, but the entire family. This is a position paper which encompasses a review of the needs of low-income infertile couples, mainly those living in developing countries, regarding access to infertility care, including ART and initiatives to provide ART at low or affordable cost. Information was gathered from the databases MEDLINE, CENTRAL, POPLINE, EMBASE, LILACS, and ICTRP with the key words: infertility, low income, assisted reproductive technologies, affordable cost, low cost. There are few initiatives geared toward implementing ART procedures at low cost or at least at affordable cost in low-income populations. Nevertheless, from recent studies, possibilities have emerged for new low-cost initiatives that can help millions of couples to achieve the desire of having a biological child. It is necessary for healthcare professionals and policymakers to take into account these new initiatives in order to implement ART in resource-constrained settings.