757 resultados para political opportunity structures, social movement, collective action


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Eine vergleichende Analyse der Regulierung von Schwangerschaftsabbrüchen und gleichgeschlechtlichen Partnerschaften in Westeuropa im Zeitraum von 1960 bis 2010 zeigt, dass katholisch geprägte Staaten diese Bereiche grundsätzlich nicht weniger stark liberalisiert haben als andere Länder. Allerdings drosselt der Katholizismus offensichtlich die Geschwindigkeit von Reformprozessen. Auf Basis einer detaillierten explorativen Analyse der Politikentwicklungen in Österreich, das sehr früh die Gesetzgebung zum Schwangerschaftsabbruch lockerte, jedoch bei der Einführung registrierter homosexueller Partnerschaften lange zögerte, leiten wir induktiv theoretische Implikationen ab: Die katholische Kirche kann permissive Reformen so lange verhindern, wie institutionelle und kulturelle Gelegenheitsstrukturen nicht der säkular-liberalen Opposition behilflich sind, erfolgreiches Agenda-Setting zu betreiben und Mehrheiten für einen Politikwechsel zu gewinnen.

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Title: The perception of critical situations involving football fans – how conflicts escalate or de-escalate Authors: Brechbühl, A.1, Schumacher, A.1 & Seiler, R.1 1Institute of Sport Science, University of Bern, Switzerland Abstract: Introduction: Fan violence in the context of football matches is a prominent issue in today’s western societies and Switzerland presents no exception. A lot of research has been conducted on reasons for fan violence, mostly with fans of national teams. A prominent model is the Elaborated Social Identity Model (ESIM; Drury & Reicher, 2000): ESIM highlights the importance of interactions between the involved groups and their effect on the development of social identities. Another model is the aggravation mitigation model (AM model; Hylander & Guvå, 2010) which illustrates factors that can contribute towards an escalation or non-escalation of group violence, such as the “categorization” of the opponent group. Despite these models, research about the individual perceptions, and in particular, what factors distinguish between an escalation versus a non-escalation of a potentially violent situation in domestic football, is as yet scarce. This explorative study examines perceptions of critical situations in the domestic football fan context in Switzerland. Methods: An explorative qualitative design was employed to gather data about critical situations (CS) around football matches of two clubs of the Raiffeisen Super League. A CS is defined as a setting in or around the football stadium where violence between football fans and another group could occur. Eight CS were identified and analysed. Fifty-nine narrative interviews with individuals involved in a CS, e.g. fans, police officers or security personnel, were conducted. Interviews were analysed using interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA). Results: The involved opposing groups expressed group-specific perceptions. Furthermore a strong tendency to negatively stereotype the opponent group was observed. Provocative symbols, such as balaclavas or riot-gear uniforms, were considered as highly relevant for the interpretation of the situation. Successful communication and sufficient distance between opponent groups supported the appeasement of a CS. These findings also underline the importance of knowledge about the local fan culture. This culture serves as basis for the perception of legitimacy, which was assessed to be essential for a de-escalation of a CS by fans. Discussion/Conclusion: This study improves the understanding of fan violence in the domestic football context in Switzerland. Based on the results it is suggested to deploy security or police forces without riot gear but with the goal of seeking dialogue with the fans to increase the likelihood of a peaceful ending in a CS. The findings also support the applicability of the ESIM (Drury & Reicher, 2000) and the AM model (Hylander & Guvå, 2010) in the context of domestic fan violence. Due to possible differences in the local fan cultures in Switzerland, research in this area should be continued. References: Drury, J., & Reicher, S. (2000). Collective action and psychological change: The emergence of new social identities. British Journal of Social Psychology, 39, 579-604. Hylander, I., & Guvå, G. (2010). Misunderstanding of out-group behaviour: Different interpretations of the same crowd events among police officers and demonstrators. Nordic Psychology, 62, 25-47.

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In his contribution, Joppke justifies his selection of foundational scholars by linking each to what he sees as the three key facets of citizenship: status, rights and identity. Maarten Vink explicitly links his research agenda to the first, status, and outlines why it is so important. In identifying three facets of citizenship, Joppke acknowledges that some academics would include political participation, but he ultimately decides against it. But here we can, and should, broaden citizenship studies by bringing in insights from the behavioral politics tradition in domestic politics - when and why people engage in political acts - and from the social movements literature in sociology. I believe that the American debate on immigration reform, admittedly stalled, would not have advanced as far as it has without the social movement activism of DREAMers - unauthorized young people pushing for a path to citizenship - and the belief that Barack Obama won re-election in part because of the Latino vote. Importantly, one type of political activism demands formal citizenship, the other does not. As many contributors note, the “national models” approach has had a significant impact on citizenship studies. Whether one views such models through a cultural, institutional or historical lens, this tends to be a top-down, macro-level framework. What about immigrants’ agency? In Canada, although the ruling Conservative government is shifting citizenship discourse to a more traditional language - as Winter points out - it has not reduced immigration, ended dual citizenship, or eliminated multiculturalism, all goals of the Reform Party that the current prime minister once helped build. “Lock-in” effects (or policy feedback loops) based on high immigrant naturalization and the coming of age of a second-generation with citizenship also d emands study, in North America and elsewhere. Much of the research thus far suggests that political decisions over citizenship status and rights do not seem linked to immigrants’ political activism. State-centered decision-making may have characterized policy in the early post-World War II period in Europe (and East Asia?), but does it continue to hold today? Majority publics and immigrant-origin residents are increasingly politicized around citizenship and immigration. Does immigrant agency extend citizenship status, rights and identity to those born outside the polity? Is electoral power key, or is protest necessary? How is citizenship practiced, and contested, irrespective of formal status? These are important and understudied empirical questions, ones that demand theoretical creativity - across sub-fields and disciplines - in conceptualizing and understanding citizenship in contemporary times.

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I will attempt to problematize the typologies of nationalism when applied to the Georgian context, particularly in relationship to nationalism of President Mikheil Saakashvili. I will argue that the state-driven nationalism of post-Rose Revolution government was a hybrid form of ethno-cultural and civic which had elements of ethnic particularism towards the Orthodox Church. By reflecting on the growing assistance of Western institutions to Georgia, I will problematize the extent to which the rise of American and European involvement in the region reinforced the perceptions of the “self” and the “other” among the religious elites since the Rose Revolution. By presenting field research data (interviews) gathered in 23 eparchies and perishes with religious clerics in 7 regions of Georgia, I will argue that religious nationalism in Georgia strengthened not in response to but as an outcome of President Saakashvili’s policies towards the church, and partially as a reaction to the growing dissatisfaction with Western institutions working in Georgia and Western governments’ response to the Russo-Georgian War of 2008. By reflecting on empirical material, the paper attempts to problematize an understanding of religious nationalism as a social movement, an instance of cultural autonomy and a source of identity (Friedland 2001). In response, I suggest viewing religious nationalism in post-communist Georgia as medium of material and political interests

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When firms contribute to open source projects, they in fact invest into public goods which may be used by everyone, even by their competitors. This seemingly paradoxical behavior can be explained by the model of private-collective innovation where private investors participate in collective action. Previous literature has shown that companies benefit through the production process providing them with unique incentives such as learning and reputation effects. By contributing to open source projects firms are able to build a network of external individuals and organizations participating in the creation and development of the software. As will be shown in this doctoral dissertation firm-sponsored communities involve the formation of interorganizational relationships which eventually may lead to a source of sustained competitive advantage. However, managing a largely independent open source community is a challenging balancing act between exertion of control to appropriate value creation, and openness in order to gain and preserve credibility and motivate external contributions. Therefore, this dissertation consisting of an introductory chapter and three separate research papers analyzes characteristics of firm-driven open source communities, finds reasons why and mechanisms by which companies facilitate the creation of such networks, and shows how firms can benefit most from their communities.

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Introduction: International and national sports federations as well as their member organisations (usually sports clubs) are key actors within the sports system and have a wide range of relationships outside the sports system (e.g. with the state, sponsors, and the media). They are currently facing major challenges such as growing competition in top-­‐level sports, democratisation of sports with “sports for all” and sports as the answer to social problems (integration, education, health, unemployment, etc.). In this context, professionalising sports organisations seems to be an appropriate strategy to face these challenges and solve current problems. This has led to a profound organisational change, particularly within sports federations, characterised by the strengthening of institutional management (managerialism) and the implementation of efficiency-­‐based management instruments and paid staff. In this context the questions arise how sports organisations professionalise and what consequences this may have. Theoretical framework: The goal of our presentation is to review the international literature and develop an appropriate concept of professionalisation in sport federations. Our multi-­‐level approach based on social theory of action integrates the current concepts and perspectives for analysing professionalisation in sports federations. We specify the framework for the following research perspectives: (1) forms, (2) causes and mechanisms, (3) consequences and (4) dynamics, and discuss the reciprocal relations between sports federations and their member organisations in this context. When analysing these different research perspectives, it is important to select or elaborate appropriate theoretical concepts to match the general multi-­‐level framework Discussion: The elaborated multi-­‐level framework for analysing professionalisation in sports federations is able to integrate most of the existing theoretical concepts and therefore, the broad range of endogenous as well as exogenous factors that might influence the professionalisation of sports organisations. Based on the theoretical framework, we can identify several consequences for the methodological design of studies intending to analyse the different perspectives of professionalisation in sports organisations: Data have to be collected on the different levels. Not only the forms of professionalisation and relevant structures of the organisations should be taken into account but also important characteristics of the environment (macro level) as well as members or member organisations, particularly key actors who might play a crucial role in gaining an understanding of professionalisation processes in sports organisations. In order to carry out a complex organisational research design, it seems necessary to focus on case studies – an approach that has become increasingly important in organisational research. Different strategies and methods of data collection have to be used within the case studies (e.g. interviews with experts within the organisations, questionnaire for selected people in the organisation, document analysis). Therefore, qualitative and quantitative research strategies have to be combined.

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The contribution of this research note is a systematic description of levels of party nationalisation in Switzerland, using results from the elections to the Swiss National Council between 1991 and 2015. Party nationalisation is understood as the territorial homogeneity of a party's electoral performance and measured using the inverted and standardised Gini index. Our results indicate a trend towards more nationalisation in the Swiss party system over the time period covered, and distinct patterns for single parties. The SVP and the GLP have made big leaps towards stronger nationalisation, with the former closing in on the levels of the SP and the FDP, while the CVP remains a weakly nationalised party, considering its size.

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After the collapse of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, a number of actors started to engage in the power struggle for the opportunities to shape the new order in successive nation-states. In Serbia and Georgia historically hegemonic Orthodox Christian churches were among the firsts in the frontlines for political and economic power. More than a decade has passed since the so-called Coloured Revolutions in Georgia and Serbia, and the Orthodox churches still remain participants of an ongoing socio-political transition of these states. The revival of public role of religion appeared temporary in Serbia followed by a gradual decline of an influence of the Orthodox Church over political life and legal process. However, in Georgia the public and political role of religion increased rather than declined albeit changed shape. Examining the degree to which the two Orthodox churches can influence the political agenda in Serbia and Georgia, the paper attempts to understand how church-State relations work in practice. By bringing rich empirical data from the field (70 interviews with (arch)bishops, priests and religious clerics in Georgia and Serbia added to field observations), the paper reflects on the themes under which the two Orthodox churches mobilize public protest in Serbia and Georgia. The paper further looks at varying State responses and their broader implication for church-state problematique.

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Introduction: Fan violence is a frequent occurrence in Swiss football (Bundesamt für Polizei, 2015) leading to high costs for prevention and control (Mensch & Maurer, 2014). Various theories put forward an explanation of fan violence, such as the Elaborated Social Identity Model (Drury & Reicher, 2000) and the Aggravation Mitigation Model (Hylander & Guvå, 2010). Important observations from these theories are the multi-dimensional understanding of fan violence and the dynamics occurring in the fan group. Nevertheless, none of them deal with critical incidents (CIs) which involve a tense atmosphere combined with a higher risk of fan violence. Schumacher Dimech, Brechbühl and Seiler (2015) tackled this gap in research and explored CIs where 43 defining criteria were identified and compiled in an integrated model of CIs. The defining criteria were categorised in four higher-order themes “antecedents” (e.g. a documented history of fan rivalry), “triggers” (e.g. the arrest of a fan), “reactions” (e.g. fans masking themselves) and “consequences” (e.g. fans avoiding communication with fan social workers). Methods: An inventory based on this model is being developed including these 43 criteria. In an exploratory phase, this inventory was presented as an online questionnaire and was completed by 143 individuals. Three main questions are examined: Firstly, the individual items are tested using descriptive analyses. An item analysis is conducted to test reliability, item difficulty and discriminatory power. Secondly, the model’s four higher-order themes are tested using exploratory factor analysis (EFA). Thirdly, differences between sub-groups are explored, such as gender and agerelated differences. Results: Respondents rated the items’ importance as high and the quota of incomplete responses was not systematic. Two items were removed from the inventory because of low mean or a high rate of “don’t know”-responses. EFA produced a six-factor solution grouping items into match-related factors, repressive measures, fans’ delinquent behaviour, intra-group behaviour, communication and control and inter-group factors. The item “fans consume alcohol” could not be ordered into any category but was retained since literature accentuates this factor’s influence on fan violence. Analyses examining possible differences between groups are underway. Discussion: Results exploring the adequacy of this inventory assessing defining criteria of CIs in football are promising and thus further evaluative investigation is recommended. This inventory can be used in two ways: as a standardised instrument of assessment for experts evaluating specific CIs and as an instrument for exploring differences in perception and assessment of a CI e.g. gender and age differences, differences between interest groups and stakeholders. References: Bundesamt für Polizei. (2015). Jahresbericht 2014. Kriminalitätsbekämpfung Bund. Lage, Massnahmen und Mittel [Electronic Version]. Drury, J., & Reicher, S. (2000). Collective action and psychological change. The emergence of new social identities. British Journal of Social Psychology, 39, 579-604. Hylander, I., & Guvå, G. (2010). Misunderstanding of out-group behaviour: Different interpretations of the same crowd events among police officers and demonstrators. Nordic Psychology, 62, 25-47. Schumacher-Dimech, A., Brechbühl, A. &, Seiler, R. (2016). Dynamics of critical incidents with potentially violent outcomes involving ultra fans: an explorative study. Sport in Society. Advance online publication. doi: 10.1080/17430437.2015.1133597

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Desde una perspectiva teórica centrada en el relacionismo, el presente artículo tiene como objetivo abordar las relaciones entre capital social y estrategias de vida. Específicamente, nos preguntamos por la construcción de redes sociales en el trabajo y en la educación y las formas de intervención en las estrategias de vida de jóvenes que se encuentran estudiando en el Plan FinEs2. Retomamos una perspectiva metodológica cualitativa y realizamos entrevistas en profundidad a jóvenes estudiantes y trabajadores de un barrio del Gran La Plata durante el periodo 2012-2013. Finalmente, sostenemos que la experiencia del Plan FinEs2 posibilita la construcción de nuevas redes sociales -colectivas e individuales desplegadas en las estrategias de vida que los jóvenes estudiantes desarrollan.

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Con la emergencia de la (in)seguridad como preocupación social, aparece una demanda colectiva compleja y cambiante, donde se articulan y entrelazan la demanda por protección/es ligada a la construcción del miedo, con la demanda de justicia o contra-la-impunidad, desarrolladas a partir de determinados "casos" puntuales. Estas demandas colectivas suelen ir acompañadas por ciertas tensiones entre seguridad y democracia y por disputas en torno al status de ciudadano, es decir, por la posesión y ejercicio de derechos. En la presente investigación nos sumergimos en el interior de la provincia de Buenos Aires, puntualmente en la ciudad de Tres Arroyos, para abordar acciones colectivas en reclamo de justicia y seguridad, como fundamento de la demanda de la/s acción/es. Puntualmente, el objetivo es el de deconstruir discursos, prácticas, sentidos e identidades puestos en juego en determinadas coyunturas -que denominamos crisis de inseguridad- en ciudades del interior de la provincia de Buenos Aires en el pasado reciente.

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La presente investigación analiza el entramado de politicidad en un ámbito estatal de trabajo, a partir de la experiencia de los trabajadores del Hospital Provincial Neuquén Dr. Castro Rendón (HN) entre los años 2005 y 2013. Se propone un abordaje relacional que atienda a la configuración y redefinición de los escenarios de disputa, retomando la perspectiva de Norbert Elías. Se ha diseñado una estrategia metodológica cualitativa basada en la realización de observaciones participantes, entrevistas semi-estructuradas en profundidad y en el análisis de materiales gráficos. Se realizó un muestreo teórico de tipo no probabilístico, y las unidades de la muestra fueron seleccionadas de acuerdo a criterios relativos a la participación política y a las características de las labores hospitalarias. Los principales hallazgos de esta tesis refieren a la conceptualización de los ámbitos estatales de trabajo. Se los caracteriza como espacios donde se relacionan y se expresan múltiples grupos, resaltando los procesos socio-culturales que están implicados en las disputas políticas de los trabajadores. Se analizan la articulación entre demandas sectoriales y la disputa más general por la gestión de las políticas públicas, las regulaciones especiales que legislan el trabajo hospitalario, las distintas temporalidades de los conflictos, la vinculación con organizaciones externas, la jerarquización del espacio laboral, y la permeabilidad de lo estatal y lo no-estatal. Estos resultados permiten aportar de manera más general a las teorías sociológicas de la acción colectiva en lo que respecta a la utilización de las categorías de clase y a las identidades de los trabajadores

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La debacle estructural del modelo económico implementado en los años 90 y desatada a partir de la crisis de 2001, generó el surgimiento de nuevas prácticas de acción colectiva y diferentes formas de intervención del Estado en la cuestión social. Una de las propuestas más novedosas en este sentido, es el enfoque en las políticas públicas de la denominada "Economía Social" que engloba diversas maneras de organización alternativas en torno a la producción, la reproducción del trabajo y de la vida y la gestión de recursos. En este marco se plantea el análisis de un caso de una herramienta de política pública provincial: el Consorcio de Gestión Compartida para el Desarrollo Local de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, creado en el 2007 a partir de la adhesión a la Ley Nacional de Microcrédito. Proyecto que tuvo alcance provincial y que será estudiado en su fase inicial comprendida entre el mes de noviembre de 2007 y finales del 2009. Se planteará como objetivo mostrar, a través del análisis de este caso de cierta proporción, el posible surgimiento de nuevas lógicas de intervención en políticas sociales: un cambio de rumbo que habría tomado el Estado junto con las organizaciones frente a la realidad social en la segunda mitad de esta década. Esta tesina abordará la investigación desde dos ejes de análisis a través de los cuales se busca interpretar el caso. Estos son: la gestión compartida del Estado junto con las organizaciones sociales y la Economía Social como práctica económica alternativa. Intentando dilucidar el proceso donde la acción del Estado y las políticas públicas son permeadas por nuevas prácticas y saberes provenientes de la sociedad civil. Se utilizará una metodología de investigación cualitativa. Se realizarán entrevistas en profundidad y semiestructuradas a integrantes de las organizaciones que forman parte del Consorcio de Gestión Compartida, así como también a los técnicos del Estado provincial que trabajaron en la implementación del proyecto. A su vez, ésta estará complementada con registros obtenidos y fuentes propias del Consorcio de Gestión Compartida, sumado a observaciones participantes en diversas reuniones de dicha organización, además de documentos y material recolectado en diferentes instancias de la investigación

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El régimen neoliberal de acumulación y de reproducción de las clases fundamentales dejó afuera de los privilegios a más de la mitad de la población. Sus desgarradoras consecuencias no demoraron en hacerse visibles en nuestro continente y se desarrollaron fuertes procesos de lucha contra el mismo. En nuestro país fueron numerosas las investigaciones orientadas a comprender las continuidades y rupturas en las prácticas políticas de las clases subalternas frente a los cambios estructurales, sin embargo la mayoría centró su mirada en la provincia de Buenos Aires, contándose con escasa bibliografía respecto a otras provincias argentinas. Consideramos que Neuquén es un espacio social que presenta particularidades interesantes para pensar este problema. En este trabajo analizaremos las acciones colectivas de los trabajadores del Hospital Castro Rendón [HCR] de Neuquén Capital, recuperando los sentidos que los actores les adjudican a sus prácticas militantes y a sus formas de organización. A partir de observaciones participantes y entrevistas semi-estructuradas en profundidad realizadas a los/as trabajadores/as del HCR, se analizaron la estructura de oportunidades políticas, los procesos de enmarcación y la conformación de estructuras de movilización que están implicadas en sus acciones colectivas, para poder dar cuenta de las continuidades y rupturas en las protestas de los trabajadores del hospital de mayor complejidad de la provincia