704 resultados para domination


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El artículo propone una lectura de las cláusulas religiosas de las capitulaciones para la entrega de Granada (25 de noviembre de 1491). Se pone en tela de juicio la idea, comúnmente aceptada en la historiografía, de que las capitulaciones establecían el respeto a las leyes y a la religión de los vencidos y que, por lo tanto, las actuaciones que llevaron a la conversión de los musulmanes de Granada en los años 1499-1501 violaron las mismas capitulaciones. La comparación entre las peticiones del rey Boabdil y el texto firmado por los Reyes Católicos, apoyada sobre el derecho canónico, permite aclarar la posición de los Reyes en puntos tan decisivos como las modalidades del culto islámico, las señales de identificación, la prohibición de las conversiones forzadas y el estatuto de los hombres y mujeres convertidos del Cristianismo al Islam (elches). Se intenta demostrar que las capitulaciones, lejos de fijar la situación religiosa en Granada, establecían la dominación cristiana, abriendo el paso a una dinámica de conversión de la población musulmana y a la recuperación de los elches por la Iglesia.

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L’histoire de la United Shoe Machinery Company (USMC) montre que la réalité ne s’adapte pas toujours aux simplifications de la théorie. Comme le signale l’économie de la fonctionnalité, la stratégie de l’entreprise de vendre l’usage plutôt que la machine fournit plusieurs avantages importants, mais elle a également contribué au fait que les usines de chaussures subissent une véritable dépendance technologique de cette compagnie et au fait que l’USMC soit parvenue à une domination monopolistique du marché. D’autre part, en remettant en cause les rudiments généraux de la théorie économique néoclassique, cette position de monopole n’a pas empêché que l’entreprise ait un fonctionnement efficace et ait facilité la modernisation technologique de l’industrie de la chaussure, aux États-Unis et dans d’autres pays.

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Recently, resilience has become a catchall solution for some of the world’s most pressing ecological, economic and social problems. This dissertation analyzes the cultural politics of resilience in Kingston, Jamaica by examining them through their purported universal principles of adaptation and flexibility. On the one hand, mainstream development regimes conceptualize resilience as a necessary and positive attribute of economies, societies and cultures if we are to survive any number of disasters or disturbances. Therefore, in Jamaican cultural and development policy resilience is championed as both a means and an end of development. On the other hand, critics of resilience see the new rollout of resilience projects as deepening neoliberalism, capitalism and new forms of governmentality because resilience projects provide the terrain for new forms of securitization and surveillance practices. These scholars argue that resilience often forecloses the possibilities to resist that which threatens us. However, rather than dismissing resilience as solely a sign of domination and governmentality, this dissertation argues that resilience must be understood as much more ambiguous and complex, rather than within binaries such as subversion vs. neoliberal and resistance vs. resilience. Overly simplistic dualities of this nature have been the dominant approach in the scholarship thus far. This dissertation provides a close analysis of resilience in both multilateral and Jamaican government policy documents, while exploring the historical and contemporary production of resilience in the lives of marginalized populations. Through three sites within Kingston, Jamaica—namely dancehall and street dances, WMW-Jamaica and the activist platform SO((U))L HQ—this dissertation demonstrates that “resilience” is best understood as an ambiguous site of power negotiations, social reproduction and survival in Jamaica today. It is often precisely this ambiguous power of ordinary resilience that is capitalized on and exploited to the detriment of vulnerable groups. At once demonstrating creative negotiation and reproduction of colonial capitalist social relations within the realms of NGO, activist work and cultural production, this dissertation demonstrates the complexity of resilience. Ultimately, this dissertation draws attention to the importance of studying spaces of cultural production in order to understand the power and limits of contemporary policy discourses and political economy. 

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Central conceptual terms, such as ‘culture’, ‘environment’, ‘nature’ and ‘landscape’, are far from being neutral scientific objects. They are academic constructions which need to be understood in their emergence across their historic contexts. Morality is a cultural expression determined by social domination and historical context, which gives it a sectary character. We need a moral theory that can be universal, timeless and that is able to guide the individual conduct, science and political ideologies, without considering the man the zenith of Life. Life, with its biodiversity, is only the tip of a complex Cosmos evolution, but we don’t know if our species, born on planet Earth, are the final link in the Cosmos evolution. To answer all these questions, a new ethical perspective was born, a theory built upon the principles of meta-ethics and applicable to all human activities. Environmental ethics are supported by two principles – the critique against anthropocentrism and the critique against ethnocentrism, giving a universal answer to the macro moral problems of our era – environmental, social, economical and political crisis, war and weapons of mass destruction… And contributes towards rebuilding the human activities in all domains of individual and social life.

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In most of his published works, Georg Simmel dealt with themes which were also motives of concern for Stirner, such as the One and society, the individual and genre, social formations and domination, the problem of duty, egoism versus communism. Contradictions and parallelisms to Stirnerian motifs can be found in Simmel’s thought since its early stages. Starting with an analysis of whether or not these are direct references to Stirner, this paper intends to show the relation between these thinkers and the possibility of a direct influence on Simmel by Stirner, namely in regards to their common idea of “individual law”.

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Leaders of the EU’s institutions have to be political entrepreneurs if they are to leave a mark on history. Their decision-making power is limited, but they can often frame the choices and broker coalitions to push the existing boundaries of European integration. This Commentary by Daniel Gros finds that none of the EU’s top three new faces – Jean-Claude Juncker, Donald Tusk or Federica Mogherini – has a track record in this sense. In his view, the most sobering message from the whole appointment process is that the member states’ leaders will not suffer anyone who might rock the boat and push integration forward. That there will be little movement towards the “ever-closer union” envisioned in the Treaty of Rome might come as a relief for those fearing domination by Brussels (like many in the UK), but it can only dismay those who hope that, despite its sluggish economy and declining population, Europe can become a relevant global actor.

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North Caucasus: North Caucasus is the most instable part of the Russian Federation: since the early 90's, there has been going on the military conflict in Chechnya, which is gradually spilling over into the other republics of the region, terrorism seems to have occupied its regular position in the political life of Caucasus, organized crime is flourishing, the tension persists there and military incidents and attacks are breaking out every now and again. During the recent year, the destabilization of the region, which affects many fields of Russian political and social life, has grown to an alarming size. Putin after re-election: Vladimir Putin's first term as President was a period of submitting political, regional and economic lobbies to the Kremlin. The actions Putin has taken since being re-elected are aimed at consolidating the Kremlin's control over the political, economic and social spheres. Further liquidation of political and informational pluralism, an increase of the ruling group's control over state and private property, and an intensification of state propaganda aimed at generating social support for the Kremlin's initiatives have all proceeded apace. These processes reinforce authoritarian tendencies and strengthen the emerging monocentric political system, with the President's strong domination over political, economic and social life.

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After years of unchallenged commercial domination of a sizeable portion of the EU's gas market, Gazprom is confronted with a statement of objections issued on 22 April by the EU Commission for abusing its dominant market position. The company was already prevented from going ahead with its South Stream project aimed at consolidating Gazprom's grip on Southeast Europe's markets by bypassing Ukraine – due to alleged non-compliance of intergovernmental agreements with the EU regulatory framework. Furthermore, it walked away from negotiations that could have allowed it to access more than 50% of the OPAL pipeline – an onshore branch of the offshore Russian German Nord Stream pipeline –, whilst its attempts to go downstream through the acquisition of European distribution and transmission operators, such as Wingas and DESFA, failed due to current political tensions and the risk of a negative Commission ruling on the operation. Does this mean that the Russian gas behemoth – so often portrayed as the energy arm of the Kremlin – is not so powerful after all? This Policy Brief aims to frame the erosion of Gazprom's power in a wider perspective, analysing its peculiar position at a time of transition, with the global gas business going from a sellers' to a buyers' market, and providing recommendations on how Europe should deal with it. It will be argued that Gazprom – despite still being affected by the Kremlin's political priorities – is moving towards more commercially sound behavior. The EU should profit from this evolution without being tempted by mercantilist options, and rather use the political momentum provided by the energy union to remove barriers to solidarity and to increase competition on the trading platforms.

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Este trabajo examina las lecturas de Gramsci realizadas por Althusser, desde sus primeras notas críticas y anotaciones hasta sus escritos sobre la ;crisis del marxismo. Subraya la profunda ambivalencia de las interpretaciones de Althusser. Por una parte, Gramsci es presentado como un precursor, como la única figura dentro de la tradición marxista que intentó pensar la superestructura y en particular lo político. Por otra parte, el corpus gramsciano es criticado como la instancia paradigmática de un concepto de la temporalidad y de la política con el que Althusser disiente. Considerando la crítica althusseriana, identificamos dos fases distintas, comenzando por una crítica al desconocimiento del status específico de la ciencia en general, y en particular de la ciencia de la historia, que caracteriza al período de la segunda mitad de los sesentas, Althusser formuló, hacia el final de los setentas, una crítica del concepto gramsciano de hegemonía que, en su opinión, borra el ;problema de la dominación de clase

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Este trabajo examina las lecturas de Gramsci realizadas por Althusser, desde sus primeras notas críticas y anotaciones hasta sus escritos sobre la ;crisis del marxismo. Subraya la profunda ambivalencia de las interpretaciones de Althusser. Por una parte, Gramsci es presentado como un precursor, como la única figura dentro de la tradición marxista que intentó pensar la superestructura y en particular lo político. Por otra parte, el corpus gramsciano es criticado como la instancia paradigmática de un concepto de la temporalidad y de la política con el que Althusser disiente. Considerando la crítica althusseriana, identificamos dos fases distintas, comenzando por una crítica al desconocimiento del status específico de la ciencia en general, y en particular de la ciencia de la historia, que caracteriza al período de la segunda mitad de los sesentas, Althusser formuló, hacia el final de los setentas, una crítica del concepto gramsciano de hegemonía que, en su opinión, borra el ;problema de la dominación de clase

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The Barkol Lake, as a closed inland lake, is located at the northeast Xinjiang in northwest China. A combination of geochemical indicators including d18O and d13C of carbonate, TOC, carbonate contents, as well as grain size proxies and magnetic susceptibility of sediments obtained from a newly recovered section at this lake, provides a high-resolution history of climatic change in the past 9400 years. Multi-indicators reflect that Holocene climatic change in the study region generally follows the Westerly Wind pattern of Holocene, and three climatic periods can be identified. Between 9400 and 7500 cal a B.P., climate was characterized by relatively drier and colder condition. From 7500 to 5800 cal a B.P., a relatively warmer and moister climate prevailed, but between 5800 and 3500 cal a B.P., climate shifted towards warmer and drier conditions. A relatively colder and wetter climate prevailed during 3500~1000 cal a B.P., then it changed towards cold and dry between 1000 and 500 cal a B.P.; after 500 cal a B.P., climate changed towards warm and dry conditions again. This study reflects that during the Middle Holocene (from ca 7000 to 3500 cal a B.P.), variations of carbonate d18O of sediments from several lakes in the northern Xinjiang were synchronous with that of Qinghai Lake, where was strongly influenced by the South Asian monsoon; however, after 3500 cal a B.P. this consistency was interrupted, possibly resulting from a re-domination of the Westerly Wind and the retreat of South Asian monsoon in the northern Xinjiang.

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Vol. [3] published by Redfield, 1854.

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La h. de lám. mapa de la ruta de México a Veracruz.

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Each vol. contains special t.-p. also.

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A collection of miscellaneous pamphlets on World War I.