846 resultados para Workers Party


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Business professionals were surveyed to explore both factors associated with negotiation propensity, as well as the strategies used by employees and employers in salary negotiations. The objective is to examine the factors that impede both pasties in reaching a mutually-beneficial joint agreement in salary negotiations. In order to achieve this objective, a review of the negotiations literature was conducted including both. Descriptive literature - present research finding and scientific theory which characterizes negotiation and examines the forces that determine it's course and outcome - as well as a review of the prescriptive literature - in order to develop practical advice given a description of hw negotiators behave. Research result show that, although there is general tendency for employers to leave room in the first offer for negotiation, employees rarely ask for more and generally accept the first offer. The sub-optimal outcome was partially a result of the employees' preferred strategies for negotiation salary: a soft approach focusing on compromised and maintaining the relationship. An analysis of the results combined with the literature explore, demonstrates that both parties exhibited a fixed-pie perspective, focusing on salary as the key issue, which impeded the search for integrative settlements and, mutually beneficial trade-offs.

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Nesta dissertação, analisa-se o impacto do surgimento do “novo” sindicalismo no ABC Paulista através da ação do Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São Bernardo do Campo e Diadema no processo de abertura política. A ação desse importante ator coletivo naquela conjuntura resultou numa gama de novos repertórios de ação coletiva, bem como no reaparecimento da questão operária, após quase uma década de desaparecimento público. Esse novo ímpeto para a ação, produzido na relação conflitiva com os empresários e após com o Estado, serviu não só para produzir uma identidade política para os metalúrgicos do ABC paulista, com também uma agenda de demandas que se ampliava a cada embate e, sobretudo, um tensionamento sobre a esfera política, fazendo avançar o conteúdo nitidamente conservador assumido pela abertura “pelo alto”. A análise se concentrou no período que vai do ano de 1977 ao ano de 1980, avançando, portanto, sobre a data de fundação do Partido dos Trabalhadores, que serviria de referência para a entrada do movimento num campo marcadamente político-partidário. A análise do tema, através do uso de diversos materiais, dentre os quais entrevistas inéditas com sindicalistas que vivenciaram os acontecimentos, além de farta documentação da imprensa sindical do período, possibilitou situar a dimensão alcançada pela luta sindical naquela conjuntura e a forma como repercutiu na política nacional.

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This paper analyzes the placement in the private sector of a subset of Brazilian public-sector employees. This group left public employment in the mid-1990’s through a voluntary severance program. This paper contrasts their earnings before and after quitting the public sector, and compares both sets of wages to public and private sector earnings for similar workers. We find that participants in this voluntary severance program suffered a significant reduction in average earnings wage and an increase in earnings dispersion. We test whether the reduction in average earnings and the increase in earnings dispersion is the expected outcome once one controls for observed characteristics, by means of counterfactual simulations. Several methods of controlling for observed characteristics (parametric and non-parametrically) are used for robustness. The results indicate that this group of workers was paid at levels below what would be expected given their embodied observable characteristics.

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In consensual (proportional) highly fragmented multiparty settings, political parties have two historical choices to make or pathways to follow: i) playing a majoritarian role by offering credible candidates to the head of the executive; or ii) playing the median legislator game. Each of those choices will have important consequences not only for the party system but also for the government. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the role played by median legislator parties on coalition management strategies of presidents in a comparative perspective. We analyze in depth the Brazilian case where the Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (PMDB) has basically functioned as the median legislator party in Congress by avoiding the approval of extreme policies, both on the left and on the right. Based on an expert survey in Latin America, we built an index of Pmdbismo and identified that there is a positive correlation between partisan fragmentation and median legislator parties. In addition, we investigate the effect of having a median legislator party in the governing coalition. We found that it is cheaper and less difficult for the government to manage the coalition having the median legislative party on board.

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Background: Despite an increasing body of knowledge concerning gender and lifestyle factors as determinants of sickness absence in well-developed countries, the relationship between these variables has not been elucidated in emerging economic power countries, where the burden of non-communicable diseases is particularly high. This study aimed to analyze the relationships among lifestyle-related factors and sick leave and to examine whether gender differences in sickness absence can be explained by differences in socio-demographic, work and lifestyle-related factors among Brazilian workers. Methods: In this longitudinal study with a one year follow-up among 2.150 employees of a Brazilian airline company, sick leave was the primary outcome of interest. Independent variables collected by interview at enrolment in the study were gender, age, educational level, type of work, stress, and lifestyle-related factors (body mass index, physical activity and smoking). In addition, the risk for coronary heart disease was determined based on measurement of blood pressure, total cholesterol and glucose levels. The total number of days on sick leave during 12 months follow-up was available from the company register. Logistic regression analysis was used to determine the influence of socio-demographic, type of work and lifestyle-related factors on sick leave. Results: Younger employees, those with lower educational level, those who worked as air crew members and those with higher levels of stress were more likely to have sick leave. Body mass index and level of physical activity were not associated with sick leave. After adjustment by socio-demographic variables, increased odds for 10 or more days of sick leave were found in smokers (OR = 1.51, CI = 1.05-2.17), and ex-smokers (OR = 1.45, CI = 1.01-2.10). Women were more likely to have 10 or more days of sick leave. Gender differences were reduced mainly when adjusted for type of work (15%) and educational level (7%). Conclusions: The higher occurrence of sick leave among women than among men was partly explained by type of work and educational level. Our results suggest that type of work, a stressful life, and smoking are important targets for health promotion in this study population

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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The present work treats the movements dedicated to reinvidication per land and social rights for the field works, among 1960 and 1964. Trying to understand this question in the Rio Grande do Norte it is necessary to consider the connection between the catholic church and the rural syndicates besides the influence of the Brazilian communist party, and still other social movements and the state. The structures politics local, national and international, had considerable importance to the organization rural potiguares workers. The rural potiguares syndicate appear in 1961 - after a hard organization work starting of the Service of Rural Assistance - and expand itself through state until the middle of 1962. Soon the first big conflicts an important manifestation are perceive, indirectly referring to a increasing movement's performance. The Favoring Progresses chains co quested a biggest influence in the politics destiny of the Rio Grande do Norte, in front of integration among syndicates, educational projects, and favoring progress's politics. But the military coup hired that the hope overflow the field

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This work aims to study the associations as mediating the process of social change and its importance for local development. The hypothesis is that associations, but bring dynamism to the smaller cities and improve the living conditions of their members, relegated to the background social sustainability, understood this as a permanent exercise of mobilization and participation in community life. The assumptions of the study are that the practice group has influenced the processes of local development in Brazilian rural municipalities through the mediation of government programs and projects aimed at combating rural poverty require social organization for their achievement. The concept of local development in this work was rescued from studies of political economy and sociology. But the concepts of collective action and partnerships advêem studies of political participation and social development of the theory of alternative or solidarity. The party consisted of an empirical case study conducted with four associations of farmers in the municipality of Portalegre-RN. Why choose qualitative study was used the technique of semi-structured interviews with the chairmen I members of associations and other actors considered essential to understanding the study (religious leaders, local political power and chairman of the union of rural workers), a total of 20 interviews, in addition to the observations of field and documentary research in records of the.ir own organizations. The survey results show that the performance of groups of farmers are key components and determinants for the production I marketing of agricultural products and for boosting the economy, as well as security for minimum levels of citizenship. Yet we are still in a space purpose of social change, which comes to confirm the initial hypothesis of this work

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This study was presented to the Post-Graduation Program in Social Sciences at UFRN as part of the requisites for obtaining the title of Master in Social Sciences. It describes the results of the research From social movements to the institutional functions: the consolidation of a generation . Its main objective is to describe the history of a political generation that emerged from the social movements, in the 80 s, in Sergipe, and that nowadays occupies the main governmental positions in the State s political scenario. As its specific objectives, the research described the emerging of social movements in the 80s in Sergipe; it found in the social movements in Sergipe, in the 80s, the beginning of the history of a new political generation, and described the consolidation of this new political generation in institutional positions as the expression of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics. Among the social movements that gained visibility in that period and that projected their leadership into the political scenario of Sergipe, this study highlights: the students movement, teacher s movement, bank clercks movement, miners movement, and rural workers movement. It utilized as methodology the research in sites, magazines, and the use of testimonies from semi-structured interviews. The main leadership of the five movements that were analyzed is, nowadays, governing the state, administering the capital s city hall, and performing legislative work at the Legislative Assembly of Sergipe, and at the Chamber of City Councilmen of Aracaju. This study described the political history of the main leadership of that generation of militants and organizers of social movements, and of left party groups in Sergipe, highlighting that their consolidation in the political scenario of the State meant the consolidation of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Leaf-cutting ant workers care for larvae with an elaborate behavioural repertoire to satisfy the needs of the offspring. In order to investigate worker discrimination ability in the leaf-cutting ant Acromyrmex subterraneus brunneus, we compared the behavioural responses of workers towards worker-produced male larvae and queen-produced worker larvae, including the following behavioural acts: licking the larval body, transporting larvae, feeding larvae with hyphae, scraping larval mouth parts, ingesting faecal fluid excreted by the larva, and inserting hyphae of the symbiontic fungus on the larval body. We verified that workers behaved differently depending on larval origin, i.e. licking the larval body, transporting larvae and inserting hyphae of the symbiontic fungus on the larval body. Observed differences denote the ability of workers in discriminating among larvae, probably because of their different individual needs.

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We examined how the information communicated by a scout worker influences the plant species transported by recruited workers in Acromymex balzani, Acromyrmex rugosus, and Acromyrmex crassispinus, three species of leaf-cutting ant that have different substrate and habitat preferences. We verified that certain plant species were more likely to be transported than others and that recruitment occurs. We found that recruited workers were more likely to transport non-preferred plant species when they were recruited to these by scout workers. The results suggest that the scout worker can communicate information about plant identity to recruited workers, but that recruited workers integrate the information communicated with their own experience during the decision-making process. (C) 2004 Published by Elsevier B.V.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)