758 resultados para Symbolic violence


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The physical, psychological and sexual violence among the couples of adolescents and young adults that are not married neither cohabiting (well-known generally as “dating violence”), has been object of a vast number of investigations in the last two decades that show a high prevalence inside the adolescent and juvenile population. The objective of this work was to carry out an analysis of the literature in connection with the prevalence, risk factors and difficulties associated with this partner violence type. This analysis allowed to elaborate an outline of the factors that could favor the acts of violence, including the previous experiences of victimization inside and outside the family, the acceptance of the violence toward the couple, and the relationship with pairs that have exercised this form of violence.

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The phenomenon of paramilitarism in Colombia has received an ambiguous treatment, balancing between political and criminal issues; an oscillation that has been intimately linked to the evolution of the Colombian internal conflict. This contribution analyzes the recent negotiations held with paramilitary groups by the administration of Alvaro Uribe Vélez (2002-2010). After a brief account of the dependency path that has determined this historical episode, I propose an assessment of the use of judicial categories by the various actors of the negotiations. The main argument is that those categories –war criminal, political criminal, drug smuggler, etc.– do not depend on the intrinsic nature of an armed actor, but are socially constructed by a conflictive process of material and symbolic struggles. The capacity to categorize private violence, as legitimate or illegitimate, political or criminal, appears as one of the basic manifestations of the state’s action, as well as one of the main conflicts presiding at the rocess of state formation.

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The growing empirical literature on the analysis of civil war has recently included the study of conflict duration at the cross-country level. This paper presents, for the first time, a within-country analysis of the determinants of violence duration. I focus on the experience of the Colombian armed conflict. While the conflict has been active for about five decades, local violence ebbs and flows and areas experiencing continuous conflict coexist with places that have been able to resile and where violence is mostly absent. I examine a wide range of factors potentially associated with violence duration at the municipal level, including scale variables, geographical conditions, economic and social variables, institutions and state presence, inequality, government intervention, and victimization variables. I characterize a few variables robustly correlated with the persistence of localized conflict, both across specifications and using different econometric models of duration analysis.

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This is a critical review of the empirical literature on the relationship between violence and economic growth in Colombia: an interesting case study for social scientists studying violence, conflict, crime and development. We argue that, despite the rapid development of this literature and the increasing use of new techniques, there is still much room for research. After assessing the contribution of the most influential papers on the subject, we suggest directions for future research.

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This paper studies the effect of strengthening democracy, as captured by an increase in voting rights, on the incidence of violent civil conflict in nineteenth-century Colombia. Empirically studying the relationship between democracy and conflict is challenging, not only because of conceptual problems in defining and measuring democracy, but also because political institutions and violence are jointly determined. We take advantage of an experiment of history to examine the impact of one simple, measurable dimension of democracy (the size of the franchise) on con- flict, while at the same time attempting to overcome the identification problem. In 1853, Colombia established universal male suffrage. Using a simple difference-indifferences specification at the municipal level, we find that municipalities where more voters were enfranchised relative to their population experienced fewer violent political battles while the reform was in effect. The results are robust to including a number of additional controls. Moreover, we investigate the potential mechanisms driving the results. In particular, we look at which components of the proportion of new voters in 1853 explain the results, and we examine if results are stronger in places with more political competition and state capacity. We interpret our findings as suggesting that violence in nineteenth-century Colombia was a technology for political elites to compete for the rents from power, and that democracy constituted an alternative way to compete which substituted violence.

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In most studies on civil wars, determinants of conflict have been hitherto explored assuming that actors involved were either unitary or stable. However, if this intra-group homogeneity assumption does not hold, empirical econometric estimates may be biased. We use Fixed Effects Finite Mixture Model (FE-FMM) approach to address this issue that provides a representation of heterogeneity when data originate from different latent classes and the affiliation is unknown. It allows to identify sub-populations within a population as well as the determinants of their behaviors. By combining various data sources for the period 2000-2005, we apply this methodology to the Colombian conflict. Our results highlight a behavioral heterogeneity in guerrilla’s armed groups and their distinct economic correlates. By contrast paramilitaries behave as a rather homogenous group.

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Although violence against women has gain attention, there is little evidence of studies about phycological violence against a partner. This paper uses data from Encuesta Nacional de Demografíay Salud (ENDS) to assess empirically models of violence against a partner. One of the main findingsis that the higher the economic independence of the women, the lower the phycologicalviolence against a partner. Some other results show that women with higher education level, belongingto a violent or low income family and living in cities different from Bogotá is correlatedwith higher probability of phycological violence.

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Recoge una serie de prácticas estudiadas y desarrolladas en el Proyecto Transnacional 'Convivir Vivir, formación del profesorado para la prevención de la violencia escolar'. El objetivo fundamental de este proyecto es la actualización y formación del profesorado para enfrentarse a estos problemas, contando con la colaboración de todos los miembros de la comunidad educativa en el proceso de búsqueda de vías de convivencia armónica.

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Percepciones y preocupaciones del profesorado con respecto a la violencia en la Educaci??n Secundaria y a las posibilidades de la educaci??n para elaborar estrategias y alternativas v??lidas para educar en favor de la paz, la justicia y el desarrollo. 42 profesores de Educaci??n Secundaria, seleccionados en funci??n de: cobertura geogr??fica, disponibilidad y criterios de tipo pr??ctico. La investigaci??n se distribuy?? en cuatro fases, la primera de car??cter exploratorio y de inmersi??n en la comunidad, en la segunda se realiz?? una din??mica con un grupo de discusi??n formado por educadores con circunstancias personales, profesionales y acad??micas distintas, en la tercera la realizaci??n de entrevistas pretest y selecci??n de la muestra y en la cuarta la interpretaci??n y categorizaci??n de la informaci??n obtenida de las entrevistas. Investigaci??n cualitativa de car??cter cuasi-etnogr??fico. No se puede afirmar que se disponga de un paradigma conceptual capaz de interpretar la naturaleza del problema de la violencia escolar en todas sus dimensiones. Su estudio requiere de una reflexi??n profunda sobre el alcance del problema que ponga las bases para comprender su naturaleza y gu??e el camino de la intervenci??n educativa para prevenirla; para ello es necesario multiplicar los procesos de investigaci??n y de intervenci??n que permitan acceder, de forma democr??tica y no traum??tica a su comprensi??n y erradicaci??n.

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