995 resultados para Suomi - itsenäistyminen - 1917


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Il lavoro di ricerca vuole analizzare, attraverso lo studio specifico della rivista artistico letteraria «L’Eroica» fondata a La Spezia nel 1911 da Ettore Cozzani e Franco Oliva, gli artisti e le situazioni in cui si sviluppa e si diffonde in Italia un linguaggio grafico di tipo fauve-espressionista, in perfetta sintonia con le coeve esperienze straniere. Nello specifico, si è focalizzata l’attenzione sui così detti ‘anni eroici de L’Eroica’ (1911-1917), periodo in cui risulta più evidente il passaggio che si ebbe nel panorama dell’illustrazione italiana da uno stile ancora riconducibile a un linguaggio simbolista a uno, per l’appunto espressionista. Questa rivista, infatti, nella fase conosciuta come “gli anni eroici dell’Eroica” (1911-17), s’interessa in modo quasi esclusivo alla xilografia contemporanea avvalendosi in un primo momento della collaborazione di artisti noti nell’ambito del gusto liberty come, ad esempio, Adolfo De Carolis e dei suoi allievi (Gino Barbieri, Ettore di Giorgio, Antonio Moroni). Tale collaborazione però termina con la cosiddetta “Secessione degli Xilografi”, ossia l’abbandono nel 1914 da parte di De Carolis e dei suoi della testata spezzina, circostanza questa che determinerà un nuovo indirizzo stilistico per la rivista in cui prenderanno sempre più spazio artisti di una generazione più giovane, peraltro già attivi su «L’Eroica» stessa, quali ad esempio Lorenzo Viani, Arturo Martini, Emilio Mantelli, Felice Casorati, Giuseppe Biasi, Roberto Melli e Gino Carlo Sensani, questi ultimi tutti rappresentanti di un espressionismo italiano di primo ordine

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The question of how far pre-revolutionary Russia was from the ideal of a lawful state has received little academic attention, particularly as relates to the legal regulation of relations between person, society and state within the state administration. Pravilova explored the methods of settling disputes between individuals and the administration, and the emergence of legal controls of the administration, analysed projects for the organisation of administrative justice and studied the particular nature of concepts from Russian administrative justice. The idea of an organisation of special bodies examining complaints by private persons against the actions of officials and state bureaucratic organs first appeared in the early 1860s. In the 1870s-1890s various projects for the reform of administrative justice (reorganisation of the Senate and local administrative institutions) were proposed by the Ministries of Justice and Finance, but none of these was put into practice, largely due to resistance from the bureaucracy. At the same time, however, the rapid development of private enterprise, the activities of the zemstvo and self-government produced new norms and mechanisms for the regulation of authorities and social relations. Despite the lack of institutional conditions, the Senate did consider complaints from private persons against illegal actions by administrative officials, playing a role similar to that of the supreme administrative courts in France and Germany. The spread of concepts of a 'lawful state' aroused support for a system of administrative justice and the establishment of administrative tribunals was seen as a condition of legality and a guarantee of human rights. The government was forced to understand that measures to maintain legality were vital to preserve the stability of the system of state power, but plans for liberal reforms were pushed into the background by constitutional reforms. The idea of guarantees of human rights in relations with the authorities was in contradiction with the idea of the monarchy and it was only when the Provisional Government took power in 1917 that the liberal programme of legal reforms had any chance of being put into practice. A law passed in June 1917 ordained the organisation of local administrative justice bodies, but its implementation was hampered by the war, the shortage of qualified judges and the existing absolute legal illiteracy, and the few administrative courts that were set up were soon abolished by the new Soviet authorities. Pravilova concluded that the establishment of a lawful state in pre-revolutionary Russia was prevented by a number of factors, particularly the autocratic nature of the supreme authority, which was incompatible with the idea of administrative justice as a guarantee of the rights of citizens in their relations with the state.

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At the dawn of the 20th century, the burgeoning influence of the Finnish immigrant socialist-unionist movement collided with the authoritative, conservative nature of the Suomi Synod. While the Synod, headquartered in Hancock, Michigan, was attempting to recreate the Finnish state church in America, the quickly radicalizing immigrant socialist-unionist movement was attempting to convert the masses to a materialist message of class struggle manifested by then current conditions in Michigan’s Copper Country and industrial America. The most persuasive voice of class struggle for immigrant Finns at this time was the Finnish-language newspaper Työmies (The Workingman) published in Hancock. Caustic editorials on religion, critical examinations of Christian orthodoxy in translations of Marx and Kropotkin, and ribald cartoons lampooning members of the Synod clergy and laity all demonstrated the overwrought interactions between Työmies and the Synod. This paper will highlight these tense interactions through analysis of doctrine, ideology, and imagery by delving into the primary historical record to reveal the vast gulf between two of the major institutions in early 20th century Finnish immigrant social life.

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