Community responsibility;

Mode of access: Internet.

Conception Proudhonnienne du crédit gratuit (le mutuellisme).

Thèse - Université de Paris.

Das Verhaltnis des "Nouveau Testament" von Geffroi de Paris zu der "Conception Notre-Dame" von Wace, zu der Handschrift ADD. 15606 des Britischen Museums und zu der Hamilton Handschrift No. 273 des Fitzwilliam Museums zu Cambridge.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universitat Greifswald.

La conception de l'histoire dans Polybe

Mode of access: Internet.

A new conception of relativity and Locke /

Mode of access: Internet.

Description of the pension provisions of the Tax Equity and Fiscal Responsibility Act of 1982 : scheduled for a hearing before the Subcommittee on Savings, Pensions, and Investment Policy of the Committee on Finance, United States Senate, April 11, 1983 /

"JCX-7-83."

Une page de l'histoire des temps heroiques de la mission de Caledonie et le Sanctuaire de l'Immaculee-Conception.

Mode of access: Internet.

Roles and Responsibility of Digital Engagement Managers in Art Museums

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Safer Conception Among HIV-1 Sero-Discordant Couples in East Africa: Understanding Knowledge, Attitudes, and Experiences

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

The normative ontology of the law - Peter Cane's responsibility in law and morality

Implications of Peter Cane's analysis of responsibility in 'Responsibility in Law and Morality' - Cane's preconceptualisation of the 'symbiotic' relationship between law and morality - a principal criticism is that Cane does not develop his seven methodological principles into a more ambitious argument.

Response to Orr and Siegler - collective intentionality and procreative desires: the permissible view on consent to posthumous conception

Orr and Siegler have recently defended a restrictive view concerning posthumous sperm retrieval and conception, which would limit insemination to those cases where the deceased man has provided explicit consent for such a procedure. The restrictive view dominates current law and practice. A permissible view, in contrast, would allow insemination and conception in all but those cases where the posthumous procedure has been explicitly refused, or where there is no reasonable evidence that the deceased person desired children. I describe a phenomenology of procreative desires which supports the permissible view, and which is compatible with requirements concerning the interests of the decedent, concepts of medical infertility, and the welfare of the future child. The account illustrates how our current obsession with individual rights and autonomy can be self-defeating and repressive.

The social identity perspective - Intergroup relations, self-conception, and small groups

The historical development, metatheoretical background, and current state of the social identity perspective in social psychology are described. Although originally, an analysis mainly of intergroup relations between large-scale social categories, and more recently an analysis with a strong social cognitive emphasis, this article shows that the social identity perspective is intended to be a general analysis of group membership and group processes. It focuses on the generative relationship between collective self-conception and group phenomena. To demonstrate the relevance of the social identity perspective to small groups, the article describes social identity research in a number of areas: differentiation within groups; leadership; deviance; group decision making; organizations; computer mediated communication; mobilization, collective action, and social loafing; and group culture. These art the areas in which most work has been done and which arc therefore best placed for further developments in the near future.

Responsibility to protect or Trojan Horse? The crisis in darfur and humanitarian intervention after Iraq

What does the world's engagement with the unfolding crisis in Darfur tell us about the impact of the Iraq war on the norm of humanitarian intervention? Is a global consensus about a "responsibility to protect" more or less likely? There are at least three potential answers to these questions. Some argue that the merging of strategic interests and humanitarian goods amplified by the intervention in Afghanistan makes it more likely that the world's most powerful states will act to prevent or halt humanitarian crises. Others insist that the widespread perception that the United States and its allies "abused" humanitarian justifications to legitimate its invasion of Iraq has set back efforts to build a global consensus about humanitarian action. A third group argues that the "responsibility to protect" inhibits the potential for abuse and, as a result, consensus is likely to strengthen post-Iraq for precisely this reason. Through a detailed study of the international engagement with Darfur, I suggest that the latter two arguments have merit but need to be adjusted. I argue that the humanitarian intervention norm has changed in two subtle ways. First, while the strength of the norm itself has not changed, the credibility of the United States and U.K. as "norm carriers" has been significantly undermined. Second, while the "responsibility to protect" has been invoked to support international activism, it has also re-legitimated anti-interventionist arguments.

The responsibility to protect and the crisis in Darfur

Governments that have endorsed the 'sovereignty as responsibility' approach have shown little inclination to protect civilians suffering at the hands of their own government in the Sudanese province of Darfur. After providing an overview of Darfur's crisis and international society's feeble response, we explore why the strongest advocates of 'sovereignty as responsibility', the NATO and EU states, failed to seriously contemplate military intervention. We suggest that three main factors help explain the West's unwillingness to intervene in Darfur: increased scepticism about the West's humanitarian interventionism, especially after the invasion of Iraq; Western strategic interests in Sudan; and the relationship between the crisis in Darfur and Sudan's other civil wars. We conclude that the emerging norm of humanitarian intervention remains weak and strongly contested, and that advocates of the 'responsibility to protect' approach have yet to persuade their governments to help save populations in danger.