992 resultados para Political Art
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El antiguo arte de la tragedia griega volvió a revivir entre las décadas de 1570 y 1580 gracias a la Camerata Florentina, que la convirtió en el punto de partida de un nuevo género: la opera. El gran interés del Renacimiento por revivir el drama del mundo clásico trae como consecuencia el nacimiento de la protagonista de nuestro estudio: la heroína trágica operística. El objetivo del proyecto es el análisis de los personajes femeninos de la tragedia clásica y su posterior conversión en heroínas de las óperas de inspiración clásica. La literatura griega creó una serie de personajes femeninos que adquirieron un protagonismo inusitado en la época y que, posteriormente, cautivaron a los compositores de ópera. A través de esta investigación trataremos de hallar las razones históricas, sociales, políticas o psicológicas que están detrás del origen de la heroína trágica. Igualmente se estudiarán las diversas características que fue desarrollando y que la definirían como personaje hasta que el mundo operístico la convirtió en la protagonista absoluta de la escena lírica.
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Anàlisi de la figura de l'educador/a social en processos de desenvolupament comunitari a partir d'experiències diverses a Catalunya
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Collection : Descriptions des arts et métiers faites ou approuvées par... l'Académie royale des sciences
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This paper provides empirical evidence of the persistent effect of exposure to political violence on humancapital accumulation. I exploit the variation in conflict location and birth cohorts to identify the longandshort-term effects of the civil war on educational attainment. Conditional on being exposed toviolence, the average person accumulates 0.31 less years of education as an adult. In the short-term,the effects are stronger than in the long-run; these results hold when comparing children within thesame household. Further, exposure to violence during early childhood leads to permanent losses. I alsoexplore the potential causal mechanisms.
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This paper formalizes in a fully-rational model the popular idea that politiciansperceive an electoral cost in adopting costly reforms with future benefits and reconciles it with the evidence that reformist governments are not punished by voters.To do so, it proposes a model of elections where political ability is ex-ante unknownand investment in reforms is unobservable. On the one hand, elections improve accountability and allow to keep well-performing incumbents. On the other, politiciansmake too little reforms in an attempt to signal high ability and increase their reappointment probability. Although in a rational expectation equilibrium voters cannotbe fooled and hence reelection does not depend on reforms, the strategy of underinvesting in reforms is nonetheless sustained by out-of-equilibrium beliefs. Contrary tothe conventional wisdom, uncertainty makes reforms more politically viable and may,under some conditions, increase social welfare. The model is then used to study howpolitical rewards can be set so as to maximize social welfare and the desirability of imposing a one-term limit to governments. The predictions of this theory are consistentwith a number of empirical regularities on the determinants of reforms and reelection.They are also consistent with a new stylized fact documented in this paper: economicuncertainty is associated to more reforms in a panel of 20 OECD countries.
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Collection : Description des arts et métiers
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Electoral institutions that encourage citizens to vote are widely used around the world. Yet littleis known about the effects of such institutions on voter participation and the composition of the electorate.In this paper, I combine a field experiment with a change in Peruvian voting laws to identify theeffect of monetary (dis-)incentives on voting. Using the random variation in the fine for abstention andan objective measure of turnout at the individual level, I estimate the elasticity of voting with respectto cost to be -0.21. Consistent with the theoretical model presented, the reduction in turnout inducedby the reduction in the fine is driven by voters who (i) are in the center of the political spectrum, (ii)are less interested in politics, and (iii) hold less political information. However, voters who respondto changes in the cost of abstention do not have different preferences for policies than those who voteregardless of the cost. Further, involvement in politics, as measured by the decision to acquire politicalinformation, seems to be independent of the level of the fine. Additional results indicate that thereduction in the fine does not affect the incidence of vote buying, but increases the price paid for avote.
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Purpose of the study: To investigate the impact of ART, HIV viremia and immunosuppression on triglyceride (TG), total cholesterol (TC) and high density lipoprotein cholesterol (HDL-C) levels. Methods: We considered the cross-sectional associations between TG, TC and HDL-C (mmol/l; first available measurement on/after enrolment in the D:A:D study) and use of ART, HIV viral load (VL; copies/ml), and CD4 count (cells/mm3) measured at the same time. TG was log10 transformed to ensure normality. Analyses were performed using linear regression and adjusted for other factors known to impact lipid levels (table footnote). ART and VL status were combined (off ART&VL _100,000, off ART&VL B100,000, on ART&VL B500, on ART&VL _500), current and nadir CD4 count were categorised as B200, 200_349, 350_499 and _500. Summary of results: 44,322/49,734 participants in the D:A:D Study (89.1%) contributed a TG measurement (median; IQR 1.52; 1.00_ 2.45), 45,169 (90.8%) a TC measurement (4.80; 4.00_5.70) and 38,604 (77.6%) a HDL-C measurement (1.12; 0.90_1.40). Most participants were male (74%), of white ethnicity (51%), without AIDS (78%), were not receiving lipid-lowering drugs (4%) and were ART experienced (61%) with 47% previously exposed to PIs, 61% previously exposed to NRTIs and 29% previously exposed to NNRTIs. The median (IQR) age, current CD4 count and CD4 nadir were 38 (36_45) years, 400 (242_590) cells/ml and 240 (100_410) cells/ml respectively. Compared to those on ART with a suppressed VL, all lipids were lower for those off ART (Table); non-suppressive ART was also associated with lower TC and HDL-C levels (no impact on TG). A low current CD4 count was associated with lower lipid levels, whereas a low nadir CD4 count was associated with higher TC and TG levels. Prior AIDS diagnosis was associated with higher TG and TC, but lower HDL-C levels. Conclusion: Although specific drug classes were not considered, lipid levels are considerably higher in those on a suppressive ART regimen. The higher TC/TG and lower HDL-C levels seen among those with low nadir CD4 count and with a prior AIDS diagnosis suggests severe immunosuppression may be associated with dyslipidaemia over the long-term.