972 resultados para Peru-Chile trench
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The purpose of this work is to verify the stability of the relationship between real activity and interest rate spread. The test is based on Chen (1988) and Osorio and Galea (2006). The analysis is applied to Chile and the United States, from 1980 to 1999. In general, in both cases the relationship was statistically significant in early 80s, but a break point is found in both countries during that decades, suggesting that the relationship depends on the monetary rule follow by the Central Bank.
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Syftet med denna förstudie var att undersöka vilka förutsättningar finns för pelletvärmesystem och om marknaden i Chile kan vara intressant för svenska företag som tillverka den typ värmesystem. De viktigaste resultaten är:1.Träpellets finns tillgängliga i Chile tillverkade av tre företag med en total tillverkningskapacitet av 100000 ton. En typ pellets finns på marknaden som har ungefär samma kvalitet som svensk tillverkade pellets.2.Än så länge finns i Chile bara ett företag som tillverkar pelletskaminer. Det finns ytterligare företag som importerar pelletskaminer och pelletspannor från Europa. 3.På grund av det milda klimatet har bostadshus inga vattenburna värmedistributionssystem eller även inga värmesystem alls.4.Mest vanliga är enkla vedkaminer. Det finns potential att ersätta dessa kaminer speciellt i storstadsområdet där deras användning har inskränkts på grund av de höga utsläppen de orsakar och där gas, el eller olja för uppvärmning kan ersättas.5.Priser för svenska pelletkaminer är för höga för att kunna konkurrera på den chilenska marknaden.6.På grund av det milda klimatet och de höga kostnaderna för vattenburna värmedistributionssystem kommer vattenburna värmesystem att ha även i framtiden bara en liten marknad.
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The reestablishment of democracy in Chile has seen an intense debate about the events of the recent past, especially on the issue of human rights. From the very beginning, the Concertacion Government has been determined to discover the truth of the repression carried out by the national security forces with a series of commissions that have gathered the testimonies of victims and their relatives. These efforts have been resisted by conservative sectors linked to the dictatorship and the Armed Forces. There has been intense conflict in the media during the past 20 years about events that occurred during the rule of Salvador Allende and the Military Regime. In this regard, a great diversity of information has been produced which, together with the debate evoked, has enabled historians not only to rigorously and thoroughly reconstruct the operation of the state terror but also to explain how a significant sector of Chile’s civil society allowed that situation. This article presents, on one hand, different methodological tools in order to study the recent past and, on the other hand, the social discussion on how to do it.
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This article relates the Actual History of the Mapuche People with the different political processes that have taken place in Chile from 1970 until the present time, passing through the government of Popular Unity, the Pinochet’s Regime and the return of Democracy. The purpose of this paper is to show that the political and social conditions of the Mapuche People were directly connected with what was going on in Chile during those years, not only being part of the general Chilean History but also protagonist and mean actors of the moment.
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This paper analyzes the most immediate responses of human rights institutions, the Armed Forces, political parties, and society following the publication of the Report of the National Commission on the Disappeared (Conadep) in Argentina and the Report of the National Commission for Truth and Reconciliation (CNVR) in Chile. The publication of these reports had a great national significance because, only one year after the reestablishment of democracy, they officially recognized the human rights violations committed during the preceding dictatorships. Each of the four sectors mentioned in this article responded to the reports in its own way, according to its demands and political ideology.
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Durante el primer gobierno del socialdemócrata Olof Palme, las relaciones bilaterales entre Chile y Suecia fueron las más intensas de toda su historia, tanto en cercanía como en conflictividad. La razón la encontramos en los distintos fenómenos políticos que vivió Chile en ese periodo, puesto que Palme coincidió temporalmente con tres gobiernos claramente diferenciados: la Democracia Cristiana, la Unidad Popular y el Régimen Militar. Si las relaciones sueco-chilenas tuvieron su mejor momento durante el mandato de Salvador Allende, el golpe de Estado significó todo lo contrario. El compromiso que tuvo el embajador de Suecia, Harald Edelstam, por quienes eran perseguidos en Chile le llevó a su expulsión, lo que se tradujo en un claro deterioro de las relaciones y el inicio de una nueva etapa marcada por el gran contingente de exiliados que comenzaron a llegar a Suecia. Este trabajo analiza los principales acontecimientos diplomáticos ocurridos entre Chile y Suecia así como las consecuencias que tuvieron durante el gobierno de Olof Palme.
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Given the expectations that western governments had in the reforms being implemented by the Unidad Popular, the September 1973 coup d’état in Chile caused a great international outcry. The violence and repression that accompanied the military coup produced a worldwide repudiation of the military junta. Sweden stood out most consistently among the countries that declared their opposition to Chile during the period of the dictatorship by continuously denouncing the violations to human rights. In this context, Sweden’s Ambassador to Chile, Harald Edelstam, played a very important role in saving the lives of hundreds of Chilean citizens and foreign nationals who sought refuge from the regime’s bloody repression. Making use of the privileges he enjoyed as a diplomat, Edelstam confronted the military authorities to release people wrongfully sentenced to the death penalty. As a result, he was declared persona non grata and forced to leave Chile. This was the beginning of a long and controversial diplomatic relationship that lasted until the return of democracy in Chile in 1990. This article is a first attempt at understanding how human rights violations affected bilateral relations between Chile and Sweden with respect to the diplomatic efforts of Ambassador Harald Edelstam.
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Despite rapid economic growth and poverty reduction, inequality in Chile has remained high and remarkably constant over the last 20 years, prompting academic and public interest in the subject. Due to data limitations, however, research on inequality in Chile has concentrated on the national and regional levels. The impact of cash subsidies to poor households on local inequality is thus not well understood. Using poverty-mapping methods to asses this impact, we find heterogeneity in the effectiveness of regional and municipal governments in reducing inequality via poverty-reduction transfers, suggesting that alternative targeting regimes may complement current practice in aiding the poor.
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Despite success in reducing poverty over the last twenty years, inequality in Chile has remained virtually unchanged, making Chile one of the least equal countries in the world. High levels of inequality have been shown to hamper further reductions in poverty as well as economic growth and local inequality has been shown to affect such outcomes as violence and health. The study of inequality at the local level is thus crucial for understanding the economic well-being of a country. Local measures of inequality have been difficult to obtain, but recent theoretical advances have enabled the combination of survey and census data to obtain estimators of inequality that are robust at disaggregated geographic levels. In this paper, we employ this methodology to produce consistent estimators of inequality for every county in Chile. We find a great deal of variation in inequality, with county-level Gini coefficients ranging from 0.41 to 0.63.
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Dissertação de mestrado apresentada ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em Administração da USCS - Universidade Municipal de São Caetano do Sul
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Apesar da falta de uma forte cultura exportadora no Brasil, principalmente entre empresas de pequeno e médio portes e de produtos manufaturados, tem-se observado um recente aumento nas exportações, estimulado, em grande parte, pela favorabilidade do câmbio, que mantém o real desvalorizado frente ao dólar. Neste cenário, a elaboração e implantação de estratégias internacionais mostra-se essencial para empresas que desejam expandir sua atuação para fora do país. O presente estudo consiste em uma dissertação de mestrado que se utilizou de um tipo particular de estudo de caso – a pesquisa ação – para elaborar uma estratégia de exportação para o Chile. A empresa objeto de estudo foi a Tshóin, que atua no mercado de moda jovem. A investigação, de caráter exploratório, consistiu em uma série de entrevistas e reuniões com a diretoria da empresa e no estudo do mercado chileno, que basearam a escolha da ação estratégica a ser seguida pela Tshóin para sua entrada no mercado de vestuário chileno. Os objetivos foram plenamente alcançados, e o mercado chileno se mostrou adequado para o início das atividades internacionais da empresa, que poderá fazê- lo de forma competitiva.
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The aim of this paper is to provide evidence on output convergence among the Mercosur countries and associates, using multivariate time-series tests. The methodology is based on a combination of tests and estimation procedures, both univariate and multivariate, applied to the differences in per capita real income. We use the definitions of time-series convergence proposed by Bernard & Durlauf and apply unit root and tests proposed by Abuaf & Jorion and Taylor & Sarno. In this same multivariate context, the Flôres, Preumont & Szafarz and Breuer, MbNown & Wallace tests, which allow for the existence of correlations across the series without imposing a common speed of mean reversion, identify the countries that convergence. Concerning the empirical results, there is evidence of long-run convergence or, at least, catching up, for the smaller countries, Bolivia, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay, towards Brazil and, to some extent, Argentina. In contrast, the evidence on convergence for the larger countries is weaker, as they have followed different (or rather opposing) macroeconomic policy strategies. Thus the future of the whole area will critically depend on the ability of Brazil, Argentina and Chile to find some scope for more cooperative policy actions.
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This paper investigates cross-country productivity convergence among Mercosur members plus associates (Chile and Bolivia) and Peru, during the period 1960-1999. The testing strategy is based on the definitions of time-series convergence by Bernard and Durlauf (1995), and applies sequentially the multivariate unit root tests proposed by Sarno and Taylor (1998), Flôres, Preumont and Szafarz (1995) and Breuer, Mc Nown and Wallace (1999). The last two tests allow to identify the countries that converge. Our results show evidence of convergence among the four Mercosur countries, using either Argentina or Brazil as benchmark. Weaker evidence of convergence is also found with Bolivia. The results point out that monetary union among the Southern Cone economies, though a far objective, is not without sense.
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The goal of this paper is to evaluate the validity of the Taylor principle for inflation control in 12 developing countries that use inflation targeting regimes: Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Hungary, Israel, Mexico, Peru, Philippines, Poland, South Africa, Thailand and Turkey. The test is based on a state-space model to determine when each country has followed the principle; then a threshold unit root test is used to verify if the stationarity of the deviation of the expected inflation from its target depends on compliance with the Taylor principle. The results show that such compliance leads to the stationarity of the deviation of the expected inflation from its target in all cases. Furthermore, in most cases, non-compliance with the Taylor principle leads to nonstationary deviation of the expected inflation.