Habiendo roto el freno de la obediencia: participación indígena en la insurgencia de Quito, 1809-1812 (Estudios)

El artículo analiza un ámbito de la participación de los indígenas en la coyuntura de quiebre del régimen monárquico producida en Quito ante las noticias de la invasión napoleónica y la abdicación del trono español en favor de José Bonaparte. El trabajo investiga si los indígenas de Quito fueron fundamentalmente indiferentes ante la proclamación de autonomía de la primera junta quiteña en 1809 o si tuvieron alguna propuesta específica durante el período de mayor convulsión y movilización entre 1810 y 1812. De otro lado, explora las actitudes de la élite y la plebe en el período. El trabajo pone atención en el ambiente de temor que la movilización popular suscitó luego de los abusos y la cruenta represión cometidas por las tropas limeñas acantonadas en Quito, en 1810.

La participación popular en la independencia de Nueva Granada según la historiografía reciente: un balance (Estudios)

El ensayo analiza la visión que la historiografía tradicional ha consolidado sobre la participación popular en la Independencia de Colombia y explora los temas que la más reciente historiografía sobre este período ha cuestionado y renovado. Entre dichos temas se encuentran: las guerras de independencia como expresión de conflictos preexistentes, la reducción de los términos del enfrentamiento únicamente a los bandos republicano y realista, el recurso al pueblo como mecanismo de presión y legitimidad, la reelaboración del discurso republicano entre los sectores populares, y la movilización indígena antirrepublicana. El artículo concluye presentando algunas propuestas que enriquecerían la comprensión de la política popular desplegada a lo largo de las guerras de independencia.

Nuevos enfoques teóricos en torno a las guerras de independencia (Estudios)

El artículo aborda los procesos de independencia en la América española, por medio de una evaluación de las interpretaciones historiográficas más recientes sobre el tema. El trabajo considera estos procesos como parte de un desarrollo más amplio de cambio global, que sustituyó la legitimidad dinástico-religiosa por la legitimidad nacional.

El constitucionalismo revolucionario en la Nueva Granada (Estudios)

Este artículo muestra los orígenes del variado constitucionalismo creado durante la revolución de la Nueva Granada en la década de 1810. Contrasta la noción revolucionaria de “constitución” con aquella propia de la sociedad monárquica y muestra sus rasgos distintivos, así como los mecanismos mediante los cuales fue elaborada y puesta en vigor. Subraya cómo ese concepto entrañaba un horizonte de profunda ruptura con la sociedad en la cual nacía. En este sentido, el artículo interroga los aportes historiográficos que señalan los orígenes de la historia constitucional colombiana en 1821, remontándose a las experiencias político revolucionarias de la primera década del siglo XIX, por medio de una reevaluación del aporte constitucional neogranadino frente al gaditano.

La fiesta del Chivo: Trujillo entre la autoridad patriarcal y la imagen salvaje de la nación (Dossier: Novela, historia y nación en América Latina)

En La Fiesta del Chivo, de Mario Vargas Llosa, el autor representa al dictador de la República Dominicana, Rafael Leonidas Trujillo, como un híbrido entre la autoridad patriarcal y la burocracia autoritaria. La reflexión que la autora propone se centra en la observación de la relación entre representaciones de la credibilidad del gobernante en el pueblo dominicano y las pretendidas “realidades”, referentes de estas representaciones en la novela, es decir, la relación entre la ficción literaria y la pretendida lectura cultural de la legitimidad del poder en la cultura popular. Una aproximación a esta siempre inconclusa relación entre la representación y su objeto y a las pretensiones de adecuación entre ambas nos permite observar la relativización de la violencia que forma parte de la mencionada representación literaria.

El "espíritu nacional" del Ecuador católico: política y religión (Estudios)

Supported by newspaper, collected letters and other documents, this article explores the relationships between politics and religion, taking into account the proposal of “politicized religion” contextually bound to the times of Gabriel García Moreno in Ecuador. It seeks to deepen understanding concerning the use of spirituality, representations and religious institutions for purposes of strengthening the State and its legitimacy of power. At the same time, it goes beyond the limits of this plane in order to advance the construction of a model of a Catholic nation based on an opposition to impiety.

What kind of European Banking Union? Bruegel Policy Contribution [2012/12?]June 25, 2012

This paper discusses the creation of a European Banking Union. First, we discuss questions of design. We highlight seven fundamental choices that decision makers will need to make: Which EU countries should participate in the banking union? To which categories of banks should it apply? Which institution should be tasked with supervision? Which one should deal with resolution? How centralised should the deposit insurance system be? What kind of fiscal backing would be required? What governance framework and political institutions would be needed? In terms of geographical scope, we see the coverage of the banking union of the euro area as necessary and of additional countries as desirable, even though this would entail important additional economic difficulties. The system should ideally cover all banks within the countries included, in order to prevent major competitive and distributional distortions. Supervisory authority should be granted either to both the ECB and a new agency, or to a new agency alone. National supervisors, acting under the authority of the European supervisor, would be tasked with the supervision of smaller banks in accordance with the subsidiarity principle. A European resolution authority should be established, with the possibility of drawing on ESM resources. A fully centralized deposit insurance system would eventually be desirable, but a system of partial reinsurance may also be envisaged at least in a first phase. A banking union would require at least implicit European fiscal backing, with significant political authority and legitimacy. Thus, banking union cannot be considered entirely separately from fiscal union and political union. The most difficult challenge of creating a European banking union lies with the short-term steps towards its eventual implementation. Many banks in the euro area, and especially in the crisis countries, are currently under stress and the move towards banking union almost certainly has significant distributional implications. Yet it is precisely because banks are under such stress that early and concrete action is needed. An overarching principle for such action is to minimize the cost to the tax payers. The first step should be to create a European supervisor that will anchor the development of the future banking union. In parallel, a capability to quickly assess the true capital position of the system’s most important banks should be created, for which we suggest establishing a temporary European Banking Sector Task Force working together with the European supervisor and other authorities. Ideally, problems identified by this process should be resolved by national authorities; in case fiscal capacities would prove insufficient, the European level would take over in the country concerned with some national financial participation, or in an even less likely adverse scenario, in all participating countries at once. This approach would require the passing of emergency legislation in the concerned countries that would give the Task Force the required access to information and, if necessary, further intervention rights. Thus, the principle of fiscal responsibility of respective member states for legacy costs would be preserved to the maximum extent possible, and at the same time, market participants and the public would be reassured that adequate tools are in place to address any eventuality.

The European Union in the Arctic: A Pole Position? Bruges Regional Integration & Global Governance Papers 4/2012, December 2012

With temperatures in the Arctic rising at twice the pace of anywhere else in the world, the European Union (EU) decided in 2008 to begin formulating an overall Arctic policy tackling maritime, environmental, energy and transport challenges. This attempt to draft a comprehensive policy on a topic that the EU had rarely touched upon unavoidably ran up against other existing strategies from Arctic and non-Arctic states. Against this background, this paper examines whether the EU’s current Arctic policy is conducive to framing a strategy that is both correctly targeted and flexible enough to represent Europe’s interests. It shows that the EU’s approach can serve as an effective foreign policy tool to establish the Union’s legitimacy as an Arctic player. However, the EU’s Arctic policy is still underestimating its potential to find common grounds with the strategic partners Russia and China. A properly targeted Arctic policy could help influence Russia over the EU’s interests in the Northern Sea Route and strengthen cooperation with China in an endeavour to gain recognition as relevant Arctic players.

Does the Stockholm Programme matter? The struggles over ownership of AFSJ multiannual programming. CEPS Paper in Liberty and Security No. 51/December 2012

Does the 2009 Stockholm Programme matter? This paper addresses the controversies experienced at EU institutional levels as to ‘who’ should have ownership of the contours of the EU’s policy and legislative multiannual programming in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) in a post-Lisbon Treaty landscape. It examines the struggles around the third multiannual programme on the AFSJ, i.e. the Stockholm Programme, and the dilemmas affecting its implementation. The latest affair to emerge relates to the lack of fulfilment by the European Commission of the commitment to provide a mid-term evaluation of the Stockholm Programme’s implementation by mid-2012, as requested by both the Council and the European Parliament. This paper shifts the focus to a broader perspective and raises the following questions: Is the Stockholm Programme actually relevant? What do the discussions behind its implementation tell us about the new institutional dynamics affecting European integration on the AFSJ? Does the EU actually need a new (post- Stockholm) multiannual programme for the period 2015–20? And last, what role should the EP play in legislative and policy programming in order to further strengthen the democratic accountability and legitimacy of the EU’s AFSJ?

The dangers of hanging baskets: 'Regulatory myths' and media representations of health and safety regulation

The successful enforcement of health and safety regulation is reliant upon the ability of regulatory agencies to demonstrate the legitimacy of the system of regulatory controls. While 'big cases' are central to this process, there are also significant legitimatory implications associated with 'minor' cases, including media-reported tales of pettiness and heavy-handedness in the interpretation and enforcement of the law. The popular media regularly report stories of 'regulatory unreasonableness', and they can pass quickly into mainstream public knowledge. A story's appeal becomes more important than its factual veracity; they are a form of 'regulatory myth'. This paper discusses the implications of regulatory myths for health and safety regulators, and analyses their challenges for regulators, paying particular attention to the Health and Safety Executive (HSE) which has made concerted efforts to address regulatory myths attaching to its activities. It will be shown that such stories constitute sustained normative challenges to the legitimacy of the regulator, and political challenges to the burgeoning regulatory state, because they reflect some of the key concerns of late-modern society.

Change in construction: a critical perspective

Change within the construction sector has been a central concern of governments and a select few private-sector clients for a considerable time. The discourse of change emanating from organizations concerned with reform in the construction sector reflects these ongoing concerns for change in the sector. The underlying assumptions of the content of change and appropriate change mechanisms in the UK are critically examined and challenged. In particular, the limitations of measurement and best practice are explored. The allegiance to approaches based on measurement and best practice is acontextual, unreflective and insufficient in providing wholly reliable explanations for the relationship between practice and performance. Claims for the use of measurement and best practice by the reform movement must therefore be understood to have limitations and their use approached with caution. The emphasis on best practice is also understood to direct attention away from understanding the legitimacy of current practice and change within the UK construction sector. An agenda for change in the UK construction sector will need to engage with and be more reflective of current managerial practice and past change initiatives. Contextual approaches such as structuration theory offer a way in which to underpin a research framework that could support the reform movement in setting such an agenda.

On the discourse of construction competitiveness

It is contended that competitiveness is better understood as a discourse rather than as a characteristic that is supposedly possessed. The discourse of competitiveness derives its legitimacy from the enterprise culture that came to dominance during the 1980s. Current popularized theories of competitiveness are constituent parts of this broader discourse, which has had significant material implications for the UK construction sector. The dominant discourse of competitiveness amongst contracting firms is shaped by the need to achieve structural flexibility to cope with fluctuations in demand. Fashionable espoused improvement recipes such as total quality management, business process re-engineering, and lean construction legitimize and reinforce the material manifestations of the enterprise culture. In consequence, the UK industry is characterized by a plethora of hollowed-out firms that have failed to invest in their human capital. While the adopted model may be rational for individual firms, the systemic effect across the sector as a whole equates to a form of anorexia. However, the discourse of competitiveness is by no means monolithic and continues to be contested locally. There have also been numerous counter-discourses that have been mobilized in response to the undesirable externalities of unbridled enterprise. Currently, important counter-discourses promote the ideas of sustainability and corporate social responsibility.

Partnering in flight: From being to becoming

Current literature offers little understanding about how procurement methods are enacted in practice. Developments in procurement are often viewed as the result of responding to recommendations from particular constituents within the sector. The research seeks to remove itself from such deterministic leaning, counselling instead that procurement should not be viewed in static terms, but dynamically manifesting over time within a complex web of interconnections between various actors, their situated context and the broader industrial structure. Attention is given to how a client and construction firm engaged in a collusive interaction to realise an innovative procurement method that derived its legitimacy from a backcloth of initiatives promoted by various commentators. A case study of a medium-size regional contractor demonstrates how the first partnering arrangement was enacted within the UK affordable housing maintenance sector in the UK. The case study finds that the enactment of new procurement methods strongly relies on iterative learning between clients and contractors. It is further suggested that construction firms need to initiate new procurement in order to remain competitive within the sector. The findings point towards a pro-active initiative by the contractor and client to enact a ‘procurement first’. Encouragement may be drawn from this example by other contractors seeking to offer more than simply responsive procurement solutions.

European Union: Shadow WTO agricultural domestic support notifications

The notification of the level of domestic support to the World Trade Organization (WTO) is intended to reflect compliance with obligations entered into at the time of the Uruguay Round. WTO members have often been slow to provide notification of domestic support levels. This makes the process of notification less useful as an indicator of the degree to which changes in policy have or have not benefited the trade system as a whole and exporting countries in particular. The notification of domestic support in the E.U. illustrates the value of a measure that reflects current policies and can therefore act as a basis for negotiation of further disciplines where these are necessary. The E.U. has made major changes in its Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) over the period since 1992 when the MacSharry reforms were implemented. Payments originally notified in the blue box (related to supply control) have over time been changed until in their present form they are unrelated to current production or price levels, and hence can satisfy the criteria for the green box. The E.U. has therefore much more latitude in trade talks to agree to reductions in the allowable trade-distorting support. This paper reproduced the E.U. notifications relating to 2003/04 and extends these with official statistics to the year 2006/07. It then projects forward the components of domestic support until the year 2013/14, based on forecasts of future production and estimates of policy parameters. The impact of a successful Doha Round is simulated, showing that the constraints envisaged in the WTO draft modalities document of May 19, 2008, would be binding by the year 2013, at about the time the next budget cycle in the E.U. starts. Without the Doha Round constraints, further reform might still happen for domestic reasons, but the framework provided by the WTO for domestic policy spending would be less relevant. In that case, much could hinge on the legitimacy of the Single Farm Payment system under the current rules governing the green box.