931 resultados para International security policy
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When Federica Mogherini visited the South Caucasus in March, she was quoted as saying that the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict was a top priority for the EU. Facts, however, do not seem to match the words of the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. As violent clashes in the conflict zone unfolded over the past week, the EU was a passive observer, with few visible signs of engagement apart from a cursory phone call urging Armenia and Azerbaijan to show restraint. The escalation has shown how quickly and dangerously the situation can develop, and the unassailable nature of the Line of Contact (LoC). If the diplomatic efforts to resolve the conflict show no progress, a repetition is very probable. Furthermore, it is likely the next incident will be more devastating in human and material costs than this recent one, and may not be contained so quickly. The EU needs to be part of the renewed diplomatic effort.
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On 28 June 2016, just a few days after the historic Brexit vote, High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Federica Mogherini presented the paper on the new European Union Global Strategy (EUGS) at the European Council, outlining the strategic coordinates for the EU’s foreign and security policy. In this Discussion Paper, Giovanni Grevi takes a closer look at the EUGS and assesses its main rationale, features, added value and prospects against the backdrop of an ever more complex world. Not only is the EU dealing with increasingly contested and polarised politics at home, but the global theatre itself has become hugely disorienting, more integrated and yet more fragmented at the same time. The paper recalibrates the overall foreign policy posture of the EU and sketches out a more modest and concrete approach compared to earlier aspirations, and a more joined-up one compared to current practice. By doing so, the strategy seeks to square the circle between the need for Europe to be cohesive and purposeful in a harder strategic environment and the fact that domestic politics within the Union constrain its external action and drain its attractiveness. The EUGS calls on the EU and member states to fully take on their responsibility to underpin unity, prosperity and security at home by taking more effective and joined-up action abroad. The question is, of course, whether this call will be heeded.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Cover title.
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At head of title: The Committee on International Economic Policy in cooperation with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
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Published for the Midwest Consortium on Military History: John Crerar Library, Chicago, Illinois; Newberry Library, Chicago, Illinois; University of Chicago; University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign; Indiana University, Bloomington; University of Iowa, Iowa City; University of Michigan, Ann Arbor; University of Minnesota, Minneapolis; University of Cincinnati; Ohio State University, Columbus.
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Mitteleuropa und die drei weltmächte, Grösser-Britannien, die Vereinigten Staaten von Nordamerika, und Russland. 1889.--Der All-amerikanische tag 1889/90 und seine bedeutung für Europa. 1890.--Zoll- und handelsvertrag zwischen dem Deutschen reiche und Oesterreich-Ungarn, als kern eines mitteleuropäischen bundes. 1891.--Mitteleuropa und die handelspolitik der zukunft. 1895.--Anhang: Russland und England und die orientalische frage. 1876. Oesterreich und der Orient. 1875. Alt- und neu-Phönicier. 1880.
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La Resolución 1325 del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas marca un hito en los derechos humanos de las mujeres, la paz y la seguridad al constituir el primer instrumento de dicho Consejo que exige a las partes en conflicto que los derechos de las mujeres sean respetados. La resolución reconoce el impacto diferenciado y desproporcionado que los conflictos armados y situaciones de inseguridad tienen sobre las mujeres, especialmente la violencia de género, subrayando la importancia de la contribución de las mujeres en los procesos de resolución y prevención de conflictos, así como en la consecución de la paz y el desarrollo sostenible en contextos democráticos. Este programa de formación promueve un mayor conocimiento de la Resolución 1325 y otras resoluciones conexas en América Latina y el Caribe, de modo que la incorporación de la perspectiva de género en la paz y la seguridad sea un compromiso y una tarea crecientemente asumida por los gobiernos de la región. El objetivo es capacitar a personas de diferentes sectores: público, academia y sociedad civil, a la vez que promover el diálogo y el fortalecimiento de capacidades para el trabajo intersectorial que requieren las políticas para la igualdad. La metodología y el contenido del programa, que se estructura en módulos temáticos, fueron desarrollados en la División de Asuntos de Género de la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL), con apoyo del UNFPA, y responden a la realidad y las necesidades específicas de formación en esta materia que tiene América Latina.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06
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The Politics of the New Germany takes a new approach to understanding politics in the post-unification Federal Republic. Assuming only elementary knowledge, it focuses on debates and issues in order to help students understand both the workings of Germany's key institutions and some of the key policy challenges facing German politicians. Written in a straightforward style by four experts, each of the chapters draws on a rich variety of real-world examples. Packed with boxed summaries of key points, a guide to further reading and a range of seminar questions for discussion at the end of each chapter, this book highlights both the challenges and opportunities facing policy-makers in such areas as foreign affairs, economic policy, immigration, identity politics and institutional reforms. The book also takes a bird's-eye view of the big debates that define German politics over time, regardless of which party happens to be in power. It pinpoints three key themes that have characterised German politics over the last sixty years; reconciliation, consensus and transformation. Table of Contents: Introduction 1. Germany and the Burden of History 2. Germany’s Post-War Development, 1945-1989 3. Towards German Unity? 4. A Blockaded System of Government? 5. The Party System and Electoral Behaviour: The Path to Stable Instability? 6. Economic Management: The End of the German Model? 7. Citizenship and Demographics: A Country of Immigration? 8. The Reform of the Welfare State? 9. Germany and the European Union: A European Germany or a German Europe? 10. Foreign and Security Policy: A New Role for the Twenty-First Century? 11. Conclusion
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Based on extensive quantitative and qualitative analyses of a corpus of American presidential speeches that includes all inaugural addresses and State of the Union messages from 1789 to 2008, as well as major foreign and security policy speeches after 1945, this research monograph analyzes the various forms and functions of intertextual references found in the discourse of American presidents. Working within an original, interdisciplinary theoretical framework established by theories of intertextuality, discourse analysis, and presidential studies, the book discusses five different types of presidential intertextuality, all of which contribute jointly to creating a set of carefully manipulated and politically powerful images of both the American nation and the American presidency. The book is intended for scholars and students in political and presidential studies, communications, American cultural studies, and linguistics, as well as anyone interested in the American presidency in general.
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This paper is interested in conceptualising the often raised issue of over- and under-contributing in coalition operations; that of how and why members of complex coalitions2 may be punching above and below their weight, respectively. To this end, the first section presents a parsimonious baseline assumption regarding what variables may fundamentally inform coalition burden-sharing, to subsequently discuss how much each of these are found to play a role in the Afghanistan context. The second section elaborates on this by assessing the perception and the interpretation of threats by coalition member countries, related to Afghanistan, as this pertains to prioritising other variables within the scheme outlined in the previous section. The third and fourth sections then proceed to examine and further enrich the existing literature on coalition burden-sharing, and provide further insights regarding the operations of the International Security Assistance Force–Afghanistan, and regarding ISAF member-country decisionmaking; the objective here is to generate further refined assumptions, that can permit a preliminary assessment of the phenomenon of uneven burden-sharing in ISAF, complementing the initial baseline expectations.
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The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is a product of the Cold War through which its members organized their military forces for the purpose of collective defense against the common threat of Soviet-backed aggression. Employing the terminology of regime theory, the creation of NATO can be viewed as the introduction of an international security regime. Throughout the Cold War, NATO member states preserved their commitment to mutual defense while increasingly engaging in activities aimed at overcoming the division of Europe and promoting regional stability. The end of the Cold War has served as the catalyst for a new period of regime change as the Alliance introduced elements of a collective security regime by expanding its mandate to address new security challenges and reorganizing both its political and military organizational structures. ^ This research involves an interpretive analysis of NATO's evolution applying ideal theoretical constructs associated with distinct approaches to regime analysis. The process of regime change is investigated over several periods throughout the history of the Alliance in an effort to understand the Alliance's changing commitment to collective security. This research involves a review of regime theory literature, consisting of an examination of primary source documentation, including official documents and treaties, as well as a review of numerous secondary sources. This review is organized around a typology of power-based, organization-based, and norm-based approaches to regime analysis. This dissertation argues that the process of regime change within NATO is best understood by examining factors associated with multiple theoretical constructs. Relevant factors provide insights into the practice of collective security among NATO member states within Europe, while accounting for the inability of the NATO allies to build on the experience gained within Europe to play a more central role in operations outside of this region. This research contributes to a greater understanding of the nature of international regimes and the process of regime change, while offering recommendations aimed at increasing NATO's viability as a source of greater security and more meaningful international cooperation.^
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The information constitutes one of the most valuable strategic assets for the organization. However, the organizational environment in which it is inserted is very complex and heterogeneous, making emerging issues relevant to the Governance of information technology (IT) and Information Security. Academic Studies and market surveys indicate that the origin of most accidents with the information assets is the behavior of people organization itself rather than external attacks. Taking as a basis the promotion of a culture of safety among users and ensuring the protection of information in their properties of confidentiality, integrity and availability, organizations must establish its Information Security Policy (PSI). This policy is to formalise the guidelines in relation to the security of corporate information resources, in order to avoid that the asset vulnerabilities are exploited by threats and can bring negative consequences to the business. But, for the PSI being effective, it is required that the user have readiness to accept and follow the procedures and safety standards. In the light of this context, the present study aims to investigate what are the motivators extrinsic and intrinsic that affect the willingness of the user to be in accordance with the organization's security policies. The theoretical framework addresses issues related to IT Governance, Information Security, Theory of deterrence, Motivation and Behavior Pro-social. It was created a theoretical model based on the studies of Herath and Rao (2009) and D'Arcy, Hovav and Galletta (2009) that are based on General Deterrence Theory and propose the following influencing factors in compliance with the Policy: Severity of Punishment, Certainty of Detection, Peer Behaviour, Normative Beliefs, Perceived Effectiveness and Moral Commitment. The research used a quantitative approach, descriptive. The data were collected through a questionnaire with 18 variables with a Likert scale of five points representing the influencing factors proposed by the theory. The sample was composed of 391 students entering the courses from the Center for Applied Social Sciences of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte. For the data analysis, were adopted the techniques of Exploratory Factor Analysis, Analysis of Cluster hierarchical and nonhierarchical, Logistic Regression and Multiple Linear Regression. As main results, it is noteworthy that the factor severity of punishment is what contributes the most to the theoretical model and also influences the division of the sample between users more predisposed and less prone. As practical implication, the research model applied allows organizations to provide users less prone and, with them, to carry out actions of awareness and training directed and write Security Policies more effective.
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This article considers the opportunities of civilians to peacefully resist violent conflicts or civil wars. The argument developed here is based on a field-based research on the peace community San José de Apartadó in Colombia. The analytical and theoretical framework, which delimits the use of the term ‘resistance’ in this article, builds on the conceptual considerations of Hollander and Einwohner (2004) and on the theoretical concept of ‘rightful resistance’ developed by O’Brien (1996). Beginning with a conflict-analytical classification of the case study, we will describe the long-term socio-historical processes and the organizational experiences of the civilian population, which favoured the emergence of this resistance initiative. The analytical approach to the dimensions and aims of the resistance of this peace community leads to the differentiation of O`Brian’s concept of ‘rightful resistance’.