Centre of excellence for women artistic gymnastics: The Brazilian coaches' perspective

During the period of 2001 and 2008, the Brazilian Gymnastics Confederation implemented the gymnasts training boarding center system at the Curitiba Training Center (TC). Using the former Soviet Union model of sports boarding schools, the Brazilian gymnasts started to train together under the supervision of a technical team led by a renowned foreign coach. This article aims to discuss the context of the TC and the system of centralized preparation of the Brazilian women artistic gymnastics (WAG) showing the point of view of the coaches. We conducted a field survey and we interviewed 34 coaches of 29 sport institutions. Among the positive aspects, the coaches reported about the better infrastructure available to the gymnasts. The negative aspects refer to the problems regarding rigorous training, the polarization and the consequent monopolization of athletes showing lack of adaptation of the Soviet model to the WAG characteristics developed in Brazil.

Cold-Nuclear-Matter Effects on Heavy-Quark Production in d+Au Collisions at root S-NN=200 GeV

The PHENIX experiment has measured electrons and positrons at midrapidity from the decays of hadrons containing charm and bottom quarks produced in d + Au and p + p collisions at root S-NN = 200 GeV in the transverse-momentum range 0.85 <= p(T)(e) <= 8.5 GeV/c. In central d + Au collisions, the nuclear modification factor R-dA at 1.5 < p(T) < 5 GeV/c displays evidence of enhancement of these electrons, relative to those produced in p + p collisions, and shows that the mass-dependent Cronin enhancement observed at the Relativistic Heavy Ion Collider extends to the heavy D meson family. A comparison with the neutral-pion data suggests that the difference in cold-nuclear-matter effects on light- and heavy-flavor mesons could contribute to the observed differences between the pi(0) and heavy-flavor-electron nuclear modification factors R-AA. DOI: 10.1103/PhysRevLett.109.242301

Cross sections and double-helicity asymmetries of midrapidity inclusive charged hadrons in p plus p collisions at root s = 62.4 GeV

Unpolarized cross sections and double-helicity asymmetries of single-inclusive positive and negative charged hadrons at midrapidity from p + p collisions at root s = 62.4 GeV are presented. The PHENIX measurement of the cross sections for 1.0 < p(T) < 4.5 GeV/c are consistent with perturbative QCD calculations at next-to-leading order in the strong-coupling constant, alpha(s). Resummed pQCD calculations including terms with next-to-leading-log accuracy, yielding reduced theoretical uncertainties, also agree with the data. The double-helicity asymmetry, sensitive at leading order to the gluon polarization in a momentum-fraction range of 0.05 less than or similar to x(gluon) less than or similar to 0.2, is consistent with recent global parametrizations disfavoring large gluon polarization.

Deviation from quark number scaling of the anisotropy parameter v(2) of pions, kaons, and protons in Au+Au collisions at root s(NN)=200 GeV

Measurements of the anisotropy parameter v(2) of identified hadrons (pions, kaons, and protons) as a function of centrality, transverse momentum p(T), and transverse kinetic energy KET at midrapidity (vertical bar eta vertical bar < 0.35) in Au + Au collisions at root s(N N) = 200 GeV are presented. Pions and protons are identified up to p(T) = 6 GeV/c, and kaons up to p(T) = 4 GeV/c, by combining information from time-of-flight and aerogel Cerenkov detectors in the PHENIX Experiment. The scaling of v(2) with the number of valence quarks (n(q)) has been studied in different centrality bins as a function of transverse momentum and transverse kinetic energy. A deviation from previously observed quark-number scaling is observed at large values of KET/n(q) in noncentral Au + Au collisions (20-60%), but this scaling remains valid in central collisions (0-10%).

France, Germany and the United Kingdom Cooperation in Times of Turbulence

This thesis deals with cooperation between France, Germany and the United Kingdom within the area of foreign and security policy. Two case studies are presented, one of them concerning cooperation between the three states within and outside institutions in 1980 following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the other dealing with cooperation concerning the crisis in Macedonia in 2001. In accordance with the approach of neoliberal institutionalism the primary hypothesis is that cooperation is primarily determined by the interests of states but it is also limited by norms and affected by the institutions of which the three states are members. The study describes the large variety of forms of cooperation that exist between France, Germany and the United Kingdom, in which the United States also plays an important part, and which also includes their cooperation within a number of international institutions. The study also points to the new forms of interaction between states and institutions that have come about since the Cold War ended, and which give a stronger role to institutions and the cooperation between them. Still, however, states retain a decisive role in cooperation within the field of foreign and security policy.

The Emergence of the Post-Socialist Welfare State - The Case of the Baltic States : Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania

This dissertation takes a step towards providing a better understanding of post-socialist welfare state development from a theoretical as well as an empirical perspective. The overall analytical goal of this thesis has been to critically assess the development of social policies in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania using them as illustrative examples of post-socialist welfare state development in the light of the theories, approaches and typologies that have been developed to study affluent capitalist democracies. The four studies included in this dissertation aspire to a common aim in a number of specific ways. The first study tries to place the ideal-typical welfare state models of the Baltic States within the well-known welfare state typologies. At the same time, it provides a rich overview of the main social security institutions in the three countries by comparing them with each other and with the previous structures of the Soviet period. It examines the social insurance institutions of the Baltic States (old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, short-term benefits, sickness, maternity and parental insurance and family benefits) with respect to conditions of eligibility, replacement rates, financing and contributions. The findings of this study indicate that the Latvian social security system can generally be labelled as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models. The Estonian social security system can generally also be characterised as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models, even if there are some weak elements of the targeted model in it. It appears that the institutional changes developing in the social security system of Lithuania have led to a combination of the basic security and targeted models of the welfare state. Nevertheless, as the example of the three Baltic States shows, there is diversity in how these countries solve problems within the field of social policy. In studying the social security schemes in detail, some common features were found that could be attributed to all three countries. Therefore, the critical analysis of the main social security institutions of the Baltic States in this study gave strong supporting evidence in favour of identifying the post-socialist regime type that is already gaining acceptance within comparative welfare state research. Study Two compares the system of social maintenance and insurance in the Soviet Union, which was in force in the three Baltic countries before their independence, with the currently existing social security systems. The aim of the essay is to highlight the forces that have influenced the transformation of the social policy from its former highly universal, albeit authoritarian, form, to the less universal, social insurance-based systems of present-day Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. This study demonstrates that the welfare–economy nexus is not the only important factor in the development of social programs. The results of this analysis revealed that people's attitudes towards distributive justice and the developmental level of civil society also play an important part in shaping social policies. The shift to individualism in people’s mentality and the decline of the labour movement, or, to be more precise, the decline in trade union membership and influence, does nothing to promote the development of social rights in the Baltic countries and hinders the expansion of social policies. The legacy of the past has been another important factor in shaping social programs. It can be concluded that social policy should be studied as if embedded not only in the welfare-economy nexus, but also in the societal, historical and cultural nexus of a given society. Study Three discusses the views of the state elites on family policy within a wider theoretical setting covering family policy and social policy in a broader sense and attempts to expand this analytical framework to include other post-socialist countries. The aim of this essay is to explore the various views of the state elites in the Baltics concerning family policy and, in particular, family benefits as one of the possible explanations for the observed policy differences. The qualitative analyses indicate that the Baltic States differ significantly with regard to the motives behind their family policies. Lithuanian decision-makers seek to reduce poverty among families with children and enhance the parents’ responsibility for bringing up their children. Latvian policy-makers act so as to increase the birth rate and create equal opportunities for children from all families. Estonian policy-makers seek to create equal opportunities for all children and the desire to enhance gender equality is more visible in the case of Estonia in comparison with the other two countries. It is strongly arguable that there is a link between the underlying motives and the kinds of family benefits in a given country. This study, thus, indicates how intimately the attitudes of the state bureaucrats, policy-makers, political elite and researchers shape social policy. It confirms that family policy is a product of the prevailing ideology within a country, while the potential influence of globalisation and Europeanisation is detectable too. The final essay takes into account the opinions of welfare users and examines the performances of the institutionalised family benefits by relying on the recipients’ opinions regarding these benefits. The opinions of the populations as a whole regarding government efforts to help families are compared with those of the welfare users. Various family benefits are evaluated according to the recipients' satisfaction with those benefits as well as the contemporaneous levels of subjective satisfaction with the welfare programs related to the absolute level of expenditure on each program. The findings of this paper indicate that, in Latvia, people experience a lower level of success regarding state-run family insurance institutions, as compared to those in Lithuania and Estonia. This is deemed to be because the cash benefits for families and children in Latvia are, on average, seen as marginally influencing the overall financial situation of the families concerned. In Lithuania and Estonia, the overwhelming majority think that the family benefit systems improve the financial situation of families. It appears that recipients evaluated universal family benefits as less positive than targeted benefits. Some universal benefits negatively influenced the level of general satisfaction with the family benefits system provided in the countries being researched. This study puts forward a discussion about whether universalism is always more legitimate than targeting. In transitional economies, in which resources are highly constrained, some forms of universal benefits could turn out to be very expensive in relative terms, without being seen as useful or legitimate forms of help to families. In sum, by closely examining the different aspects of social policy, this dissertation goes beyond the over-generalisation of Eastern European welfare state development and, instead, takes a more detailed look at what is really going on in these countries through the examples of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. In addition, another important contribution made by this study is that it revives ‘western’ theoretical knowledge through ‘eastern’ empirical evidence and provides the opportunity to expand the theoretical framework for post-socialist societies.

Il Pluralismo tra Democrazia ed Autoritarismo: Il Caso Russo

The research explores the mechanisms in the formation and consolidation of a new regime which combines democratic and authoritarian features; it has emerged as result of democratization processes affecting different world areas in recent years. The study analyses a case of great international significance, post-communist Russia: here internal factors strongly prevail in front of the external variables of democratic imitation and contagion, thus showing to what extent Russia differs from other political contexts. The study intends to examine the strategies used by this regime to solve internal conflicts and become stable in spite of the democratizing pressures coming from outside. Indeed, the literature about political transformations has shown the problems in analyzing these polities together with the need to examine their peculiarities more in depth. In this perspective, the first section focuses on the dynamics of State-building in Russia as a fundamental process in tracing the specific characteristics of the current regime: particularly, it is suggested that the State dimension comes out as crucial in determining the level of political and social pluralism accepted in post-Soviet Russia. This argument is worked out in the second section, which analyses the main mechanisms used by the incumbents to limit and control pluralism within the two arenas of political competition and civil society, from where the major threats to the status quo are supposed to come. The main hypothesis is that the leadership interventions in these spheres during the last ten years have shaped a regime which can be characterized as a new type of authoritarianism: with respect to traditional authoritarian forms a certain degree of political contestation is accepted, visible in the presence of a multiparty system, semi-competitive elections and of the several representatives of civil society. Yet, this diversity is curbed basically in two different ways: from one hand the incumbents provide support to political and social actors who sponsor government politics (see the party of power and pro-Kremlin movements). From the other they use some non coercive forms of control and restriction (in legislation, in political elections) against those actors who promote values and priorities opposed to the official ones.

1963-1968. Dall'avvento dell'amministrazione di Lyndon B. Johnson al Trattato di Non-Proliferazione. gli Stati Uniti, la Francia, la NATO e l'Europa agli esordi della distensione. Storia di una "non-crisi" transatlantica e della riorganizzazione dell'Alleanza.

The aim of this proposal is to explain the paradigm of the American foreign policy during the Johnson Administration, especially toward Europe, within the NATO framework, and toward URSS, in the context of the détente, just emerged during the decade of the sixties. During that period, after the passing of the J. F. Kennedy, President L. B. Johnson inherited a complex and very high-powered world politics, which wanted to get a new phase off the ground in the transatlantic relations and share the burden of the Cold war with a refractory Europe. Known as the grand design, it was a policy that needed the support of the allies and a clear purpose which appealed to the Europeans. At first, President Johnson detected in the problem of the nuclear sharing the good deal to make with the NATO allies. At the same time, he understood that the United States needed to reassert their leadeship within the new stage of relations with the Soviet Union. Soon, the “transatlantic bargain” became something not so easy to dealt with. The Federal Germany wanted to say a word in the nuclear affairs and, why not, put the finger on the trigger of the atlantic nuclear weapons. URSS, on the other hand, wanted to keep Germany down. The other allies did not want to share the onus of the defense of Europe, at most the responsability for the use of the weapons and, at least, to participate in the decision-making process. France, which wanted to detach herself from the policy of the United States and regained a world role, added difficulties to the manage of this course of action. Through the years of the Johnson’s office, the divergences of the policies placed by his advisers to gain the goal put the American foreign policy in deep water. The withdrawal of France from the organization but not from the Alliance, give Washington a chance to carry out his goal. The development of a clear-cut disarm policy leaded the Johnson’s administration to the core of the matter. The Non-proliferation Treaty signed in 1968, solved in a business-like fashion the problem with the allies. The question of nuclear sharing faded away with the acceptance of more deep consultative role in the nuclear affairs by the allies, the burden for the defense of Europe became more bearable through the offset agreement with the FRG and a new doctrine, the flexible response, put an end, at least formally, to the taboo of the nuclear age. The Johnson’s grand design proved to be different from the Kennedy’s one, but all things considered, it was more workable. The unpredictable result was a real détente with the Soviet Union, which, we can say, was a merit of President Johnson.

Metamorfosi temporali e spaziali: dal “Revisore” di Nikolaj Gogol’ alla “Morte accidentale di un anarchico” di Dario Fo.

La tesi si propone di tracciare un confronto tra due autori molto distanti tra loro sia nel tempo che nello spazio: Nikolaj Gogol’ e Dario Fo; in particolare si analizzano le commedie Il Revisore di Gogol’ (1836) e Morte accidentale di un anarchico di Fo (1970). Il nesso tra le due opere è stato individuato dalla critica italiana (Franco Quadri, Ferdinando Taviani, Paolo Puppa). Tuttavia gli spunti interpretativi e comparativi non sono mai stati sviluppati appieno della critica. Nonostante le grandi distanze temporali e spaziali, l’analisi si propone dunque di evidenziare i numerosi motivi di consonanza tra le due opere e i due autori, che peraltro testimoniano anche della grande fortuna arrisa all’estero all’autore ucraino, attraverso la mediazione del teatro russo-sovietico del XX secolo. L’approccio metodologico adottato si fonda sui testi dei formalisti russi, di Lotman, sulla Stilkritik di Aurbach, sugli studi di Frye sulla Bibbia intesa come “grande canone” della letteratura occidentale, e soprattutto sull’analisi della cultura carnevalesca e popolare condotta da Bachtin. Lo studio è indirizzato su alcuni elementi precisi: la trama, lo scambio della personalità, l’impostura, la paura e il riso. Per ciascun di questi elementi è stata svolta l’analisi comparativa delle due opere, situandole in un contesto letterario e culturale che va all’antichità e al Medio Evo, dal quale entrambi gli autori mutuano molte suggestioni.

'A Distortion in the mirror of being': verso un modello liquido di personaggio. Da Nabokov alle sperimentazioni contemporanee in ambito slavo

La tesi mira a ridefinire lo statuto del personaggio nell’ambito del self-conscious novel postmoderno, alla luce delle più recenti tendenze narratologiche, con particolare riferimento all’unnatural narratology. Per poter presentare un modello scientificamente valido si è fatto ricorso alla comparazione della produzione letteraria di due macro-aree: quella britannica e quella slava (Russia - Unione Sovietica - e Polonia). Come figura di mediazione tra queste due culture si pone senza dubbio Vladimir V. Nabokov, cardine e personalità di spicco della ricerca. Tra le analisi testuali proposte sono stati presi in considerazione i seguenti autori: Julian Barnes, Vladimir Nabokov, Daniil Charms, Konstantin Vaginov, Andrej Bitov, Saša Sokolov, Bruno Schulz e Tadeusz Kantor.

La traduzione letteraria in Unione Sovietica (1930-1955)

In Unione Sovietica il partito mette in atto un sistema di istituzioni per controllare il mondo culturale e la produzione scritta: il Glavlit, il massimo istituto censorio, l’Unione degli scrittori, un’editoria centralizzata e statalizzata e un unico metodo creativo possibile, il realismo socialista. Il settore della traduzione letteraria e della ricezione della letteratura straniera vengono ugualmente posti sotto controllo. All’interno dell’Unione degli scrittori operano la Sezione dei Traduttori, a cui spetta la formazione dei nuovi traduttori sovietici, e la Commissione Straniera, che stabilisce quali autori e quali libri occidentali debbano essere tradotti. Il Reparto straniero del Glavlit controlla il materiale a stampa proveniente dall’estero, la sua distribuzione e le modalità di consultazione e si occupa di effettuare una censura sia sul testo in lingua straniera che su quello tradotto in lingua russa. Parallelamente, il codice estetico e normativo del realismo socialista comincia a influenzare lo sviluppo della teoria della traduzione. La traduttologia si allinea alla critica letteraria ufficiale e promuove un approccio libero al testo che permetta l’introduzione di modifiche testuali arbitrarie da parte del traduttore o del redattore.

La narrazione spettacolare. Nuove forme dello storytelling: dai testi narrativi al teatro.

Il lavoro di tesi parte da un presupposto di osservazione empirica. Dopo aver rilevato la ricorrenza da parte di registi teatrali del panorama internazionale all’adattamento di testi non drammatici, ma narrativi per la scena, si è deciso di indagare come la natura narrativa dei testi di partenza si adatti, permanga o muti nel passaggio dal medium narrativo a quello spettacolare. La tesi si suddivide in tre parti. Nella parte intitolata “Della metodologia” (un capitolo), viene illustrato il metodo adottato per affrontare l’analisi degli spettacoli teatrali. Facendo riferimento alla disciplina semiotica teatrale, si è definito l’oggetto empirico di studio come testo spettacolare/performance text. La seconda parte della tesi, “Della comparazione dei modelli comunicativi”, (due capitoli), procede nella definizione: 1) dell’elemento teorico da indagare nei testi spettacolari, ovvero, la “narratività”; 2) dei modelli comunicativi della narrazione e dello spettacolo teatrale e delle loro intersezioni o differenze. Nella terza parte della tesi, “Della critica”, (due capitoli), vengono analizzate alcune delle opere del regista Jurij Ljubimov (Russia), Eimuntas Nekrošius (Lituania), Alvis Hermanis (Lettonia). La scelta è ricaduta sulle opere di questi registi in base a una considerazione: 1) culturale: si è deliberatamente circoscritta la sfera di indagine alla produzione teatrale russa e post-sovietica; 2) estetica: è stato osservato che la linea registica inaugurata da Jurij Ljubimov va permeando l’attività registica di registi più giovani come Nekrošius e Hermanis; 3) statistica: Ljubimov, Nekrošius, Hermanis hanno scelto di mettere in scena testi non drammatici con una elevata frequenza. La tesi è corredata da un’ampia appendice iconografica. Per l’analisi dei testi spettacolari si è fatto riferimento alla visione degli spettacoli in presa diretta in Italia e all’estero.

La costruzione delle relazioni politiche ed economiche tra l'Italia e la Germania occidentale dopo la seconda guerra mondiale (1945-1951)

L’autore ricostruisce ed esamina la storia dei rapporti italo-tedeschi negli anni immediatamente precedenti la riapertura ufficiale delle relazioni diplomatiche tra Italia e Repubblica federale tedesca. Un riavvicinamento economico e politico progressivo, ma che suscitò forti contrasti tra i principali attori della diplomazia italiana. Il saggio si basa su una documentazione conservata presso l’Archivio storico del ministero degli Esteri, l’Archivio centrale dello Stato, l’Archivio storico della Banca d’Italia e l’Archivio Politico del ministero degli Esteri della Repubblica federale. L’autore sostiene che le relazioni economiche italo-tedesche assunsero un ruolo centrale nel processo di elaborazione della politica estera italiana sulla questione tedesca nel corso di questi anni. Prima dell’istituzione della Repubblica federale tedesca, l’Italia divenne un partner economico fondamentale per la Germania occidentale. Tra il 1945 e il 1949 l'Italia fu il primo paese europeo favorevole alla rinascita di un nuovo stato tedesco non sottoposto alla diretta influenza dell’Unione Sovietica. Il presidente del Consiglio De Gasperi e il ministro degli Esteri Sforza per sostenere la nuova Germania attuarono una precisa azione diplomatica di riavvicinamento politico, promuovendo diversi scambi di visite e di incontri con i rappresentanti tedeschi.

L'amministrazione Johnson e le origini della distensione. 1964-1968

La tesi analizza una parte della politica estera dell’amministrazione Johnson, e più specificamente l’avvio del dialogo con l’Urss in materia di non proliferazione e controllo degli armamenti e la revisione della China policy, inquadrando entrambe nell’adattamento della cold war strategy all’evoluzione sistema internazionale, argomentando che la distensione intesa come rilassamento delle tensioni e ricerca di terreno comune per il dialogo, fosse perlomeno uno degli strumenti politici che l’amministrazione scelse di usare. Il primo capitolo analizza i cambiamenti che interessarono il Blocco sovietico e il movimento comunista internazionale tra la fine degli anni Cinquanta e l’inizio degli anni Sessanta, soprattutto la rottura dell’alleanza sino-sovietica, e l’impatto che essi ebbero sul sistema bipolare su cui si basava la Guerra Fredda. Il capitolo secondo affronta più specificamente l’evoluzione delle relazioni tra Stati Uniti e Unione Sovietica, il perseguimento di una politica di distensione, dopo la crisi dei missili cubani, e in che relazione si trovasse ciò con lo status della leadership sovietica a seguito dei cambiamenti che avevano avuto luogo. Soffermandosi sulla questione del controllo degli armamenti e sul percorso che portò alla firma del Trattato di Non-proliferazione, si analizza come la nuova rotta intrapresa col dialogo sulle questioni strategiche sia stato anche un cambiamento di rotta in generale nella concezione della Guerra Fredda e l’introduzione della distensione come strumento politico. Il terzo capitolo affronta la questione della modifica della politica verso Pechino e il processo tortuoso e contorto attraverso cui l’amministrazione Johnson giunse a distaccarsi dalla China policy seguita sino ad allora.

Beatrice Potter e la signora Webb. La politica come amministrazione del carattere

La tesi affronta la vita e la riflessione politica di Beatrice Potter collocandola all’interno del pensiero politico britannico ed europeo della fine dell’Ottocento e dei primi decenni del Novecento. Rispetto alla maggior parte della bibliografia disponibile, risulta un’autonomia e un’originalità anche rispetto alla riflessione del marito Sidney Webb. La riflessione politica di Potter è caratterizzata in primo luogo dalla ricerca del significato immediatamente politico di quella scienza sociale, che si sta affermando come approccio scientifico dominante nell’intero panorama europeo. Il lavoro è diviso in tre ampi capitoli così suddivisi: il primo ricostruisce l’eredità intellettuale di Potter, con particolare attenzione al rapporto con la filosofia evoluzionista di Herbert Spencer, suo mentore e amico. In questo capitolo vengono anche discussi i contributi di John Stuart Mill, Joseph Chamberlain, Alfred Marshall e Karl Marx e la loro influenza sull’opera di Potter. Il secondo capitolo prende in esame la sua opera prima dell’incontro con il marito e mostra come lo studio della povertà, del lavoro, della metropoli, della cooperazione e delle condizioni delle donne getti le basi di tutta la produzione successiva della partnership. Lo studio politico della povertà, cioè la messa a punto di una scienza amministrativa del carattere sociale del lavoro, rappresenta uno degli elementi principali di quella che viene qui definita un’epistemologia della democrazia. Il terzo capitolo riprende il tema cruciale della democrazia nella sua accezione «industriale» e indaga il ruolo funzionale dello Stato, anche in relazione alla teoria pluralista di Harold Laski, al socialismo guildista di George D. H. Cole e all’idealismo di Bernard Bosanquet. Centrale in questo confronto del pensiero di Potter con il più ampio dibattito degli anni venti e trenta sulla sovranità è la concezione della decadenza della civiltà capitalista e dell’emergere di una new civilisation, dopo la conversione al comunismo sovietico.