Impact of product-related environmental regulations / voluntary requirements on Thai firms

The rules governing the trade of goods in global markets have shifted toward non-tariff measures related to environmental and chemical safety. Unlike traditional environmental/safety requirements, the scope of modern regulations covers products’ environmental performance and chemical safety. To comply with these modern regulations, production practices along the entire supply chain must be realigned to manage certain chemical substances incorporated into the final product. This paper examines the implications of product-related environmental and chemical safety regulations on different firms operating in Thailand.

Impact of product-related environmental regulations in Asia : descriptive statistics from a survey of firms in Penang, Malaysia

This paper summarizes the main results of a unique firm survey conducted in Penang, Malaysia in 2012 on product-related environmental regulations. The results show that firms receiving foreign-direct investment have adapted well to regulations but faced more rejections. Several research questions are addressed and examined by using the survey data. Major findings are as follows. First, adaptation involves changes in input procurement and market diversification, which potentially changes the structure of supply chains. Second, belonging to global supply chains is a key factor in compliance, but this requires firms to meet tougher customer requirements. Third, there is much room for government policy to play a role in assisting firms.

Impact of product-related environmental regulations in Asia : descriptive statistics from a survey of firms in Vietnam

This paper summarizes the main results of a unique firm survey conducted in Vietnam in 2011 on product-related environmental regulations (PRERs). The results of this survey are compared with the results of a corresponding survey of firms in Penang, Malaysia (Michida, et al. 2014b). The major findings are as follows. First, adaptation to PRERs involves changes in input procurement and results in market diversification, which potentially alters the structure of supply chains. This finding is consistent with the Malaysian survey result. Second, connections to global supply chains are key to compliance, but this requires firms to meet more stringent customer requirements. Third, government policy can play an important role in assisting firms to comply with PRERs.

Impact on Asian firms of product-related environmental regulations through global supply chains : a study of firms in Malaysia

This paper sheds light on the important role played by global supply chains in the adaptation to product-related environmental regulations imposed by importing countries, with a focus on chemicals management. By utilizing a unique data collected in Penang, Malaysia, we depict the supply chain structures and how differences among firms in participation to global supply chain link to differences in chemical management. We found that firms belonging to a supply chain are in a better position to comply with these regulations because information and requirements are transmitted through global supply chains. In contrast, those firms that are neither exporters nor a part of a global supply chain lack the knowledge and information channels relevant to chemical management in a product.

The policy impact of product-related environmental regulations in Asia

This paper focuses on EU chemical regulations, RoHS and REACH, and shows these EU regulations have driven Asian countries to introduce regulations that are similar yet modified versions to the EU regulations. Asia as the world manufacturing center has extensive production networks where parts and components of a final good are traded across borders. We discuss how product-related environmental regulations could impact on firms' activities then show that if Asian countries with complex supply chains introduce different product related chemical regulations without coordinating with neighboring countries, it could work as trade barrier for manufacturing activities in the region.

Environmental provisions in Japanese regional trade agreements with developing countries

With the growing interest in environmental issues in the global community, recently concluded regional trade agreements (RTAs) have introduced environmental provisions. These RTAs will help achieve sustainable development at the intersection of trade liberalization and ever-increasing environmental concerns. However, environmental provisions are not incorporated into all RTAs. For example, Japanese RTAs often incorporate environmental issues only in the preamble or relevant articles. As the first step in examining the environmental provisions in RTAs, this paper focuses on the RTAs that Japan has concluded with developing countries. The main characteristic of environmental provisions in Japanese RTAs is that there are very few relevant provisions. All Japanese RTAs has neither environmental chapters nor side agreements. However, the attitude toward the environment in Japanese RTAs has gradually changed since the signing of the Japan-Chile EPA in 2007, in which a joint environmental statement was adopted. Although Japanese RTAs have environmental provisions, environmental problems originating from the RTAs may occur. One of the possible causes is a lack of environmental impact assessment. Japanese RTAs need to incorporate an environmental impact assessment system in order to identify environmental problems resulting from its RTAs, and to enable the country to take appropriate measures at the appropriate time.

Product-related environmental regulation and voluntary environmental actions : impacts of RoHS and REACH in Malaysia

Voluntary environmental actions, such as the adoption of ISO 14001, are gaining increasing attention in developing countries. This study examines the mechanism of ISO 14001 diffusion in a developing economy on the basis of a unique corporate survey of manufacturing sectors in Malaysia. Product-related environmental regulations, such as REACH, are contributing to this diffusion indirectly by promoting quality control standards such as ISO 9001. The importance of foreign direct investment and global value chains for ISO 14001 diffusion is also confirmed.

Adoption of ISO9001 through supply chain in Vietnam : impacts of FDI and product-related environmental regulation

The objective of the present study is to examine the determinants of ISO 9001 certification, focusing on the effect of Product-related Environmental Regulations on Chemicals (PRERCs) and FDI using the answers to several questions in our Vietnam survey conducted from December 2011 to January 2012. Our findings suggest that PRERCs may help with the improvement in quality control of Vietnamese firms. If Vietnamese manufacturing firms with ISO 9001 certification are more likely to adopt ISO 14001, as well as firms in developed countries, our results indicate that the European chemical regulations may assist in the reduction of various environmental impacts in Vietnam. In addition, we found that FDI promotes the adoption of ISO 9001. If FDI firms in Vietnam certify ISO 14001 after the adoption of ISO 9001, as in the case of Malaysia and the developed economies, FDI firms may also be able to improve environmental performance as a result of ISO 14001.

How can irrigated agriculture adapt to climate change? Insights from the Guadiana Basin in Spain

Climate change is already affecting many natural systems and human environments worldwide, like the semiarid Guadiana Basin in Spain. This paper illustrates a systematic analysis of climate change adaptation in the Guadiana irrigation farming region. The study applies a solution-oriented diagnostic framework structured along a series of sequential analytical steps. An initial stage integrates economic and hydrologic modeling to evaluate the effects of climate change on the agriculture and water sectors. Next, adaptation measures are identified and prioritized through a stakeholder-based multi-criteria analysis. Finally, a social network analysis identifies key actors and their relationships in climate change adaptation. The study shows that under a severe climate change scenario, water availability could be substantially decreased and drought occurrence will augment. In consequence, farmers will adapt their crops to a lesser amount of water and income gains will diminish, particularly for smallholder farms. Among the various adaptation measures considered, those related to private farming (new crop varieties and modern irrigation technologies) are ranked highest, whereas public-funded hard measures (reservoirs) are lowest and public soft measures (insurance) are ranked middle. In addition, stakeholders highlighted that the most relevant criteria for selecting adaptation plans are environmental protection, financial feasibility and employment creation. Nonetheless, the social network analysis evidenced the need to strengthen the links among the different stakeholder groups to facilitate the implementation of adaptation processes. In sum, the diagnostic framework applied in this research can be considered a valuable tool for guiding and supporting decision making in climate change adaptation and communicating scientific results.

La reutilización de efluentes depurados en España: retrospectiva, desarrollo del marco normativo, estudio de las tecnologías de regeneración frente a los biorreactores de membrana y sus costes en función del uso

La reutilización de efluentes depurados siempre ha sido una opción en lugares con déficit coyuntural o estructural de recursos hídricos, se haya o no procedido a la regulación y planificación de esta práctica. La necesidad se crea a partir de las demandas de una zona, normalmente riego agrícola, que ven un mejor desarrollo de su actividad por contar con este recurso. España es el país de la UE que más caudal reutiliza, y está dentro de los diez primeros a nivel mundial. La regulación de esta práctica por el RD 1620/2007, ayudó a incorporar la reutilización de efluentes depurados a la planificación hidrológica como parte de los programas de medidas, con objeto de mitigar presiones, como son las extracciones de agua superficial y subterránea, o mejoras medioambientales evitando un vertido. El objeto de este trabajo es conocer la situación de la reutilización de efluentes depurados en España, los diferentes escenarios y planteamientos de esta actividad, el desarrollo del marco normativo y su aplicabilidad, junto a los tratamientos que permiten alcanzar los límites de calidad establecidos en la normativa vigente, en función de los distintos usos. Además, se aporta un análisis de costes de las distintas unidades de tratamiento y tipologías de líneas de regeneración, tanto de las utilizadas después de un tratamiento secundario como de otras opciones de depuración, como son los biorreactores de membrana (MBRs). Para el desarrollo de estos objetivos, en primer lugar, se aborda el conocimiento de la situación de la reutilización en España a través de una base de datos diseñada para cubrir todos los aspectos de esta actividad: datos de la estación depuradora de aguas residuales (EDAR), de la estación regeneradora (ERA), caudales depurados, reutilizados, volúmenes utilizados y ubicación de los distintos usos, tipos de líneas de tratamiento, calidades del agua reutilizada, etc. Las principales fuentes de información son las Confederaciones Hidrográficas (CCHH) a través de las concesiones de uso del agua depurada, las entidades de saneamiento y depuración de las distintas comunidades autónomas (CCAA), ayuntamientos, Planes Hidrológicos de Cuenca (PHC) y visitas a las zonas más emblemáticas. Además, se revisan planes y programas con el fin de realizar una retrospectiva de cómo se ha ido consolidando y desarrollando esta práctica en las distintas zonas de la geografía española. Se han inventariado 322 sistemas de reutilización y 216 tratamientos de regeneración siendo el más extendido la filtración mediante filtro arena seguido de una desinfección mediante hipoclorito, aunque este tratamiento se ha ido sustituyendo por un físico-químico con decantación lamelar, filtro de arena y radiación ultravioleta, tratamiento de regeneración convencional (TRC), y otros tratamientos que pueden incluir membranas, tratamientos de regeneración avanzados (TRA), con dosificación de hipoclorito como desinfección residual, para adaptarse al actual marco normativo. El uso más extendido es el agrícola con el 70% del caudal total reutilizado, estimado en 408 hm3, aunque la capacidad de los tratamientos de regeneración esperada para 2015, tras el Plan Nacional de Reutilización de Aguas (PNRA), es tres veces superior. Respecto al desarrollo normativo, en las zonas donde la reutilización ha sido pionera, las administraciones competentes han ido desarrollando diferentes recomendaciones de calidad y manejo de este tipo de agua. El uso agrícola, y en zonas turísticas, el riego de campos de golf, fueron los dos primeros usos que tuvieron algún tipo de recomendación incluso reglamentación. Esta situación inicial, sin una normativa a nivel estatal ni recomendaciones europeas, creó cierta incertidumbre en el avance de la reutilización tanto a nivel de concesiones como de planificación. En la actualidad sigue sin existir una normativa internacional para la reutilización y regeneración de efluentes depurados. Las recomendaciones de referencia a nivel mundial, y en concreto para el uso agrícola, son las de la OMS (Organización Mundial de la Salud) publicadas 1989, con sus posteriores revisiones y ampliaciones (OMS, 2006). Esta norma combina tratamientos básicos de depuración y unas buenas prácticas basadas en diferentes niveles de protección para evitar problemas sanitarios. Otra normativa que ha sido referencia en el desarrollo del marco normativo en países donde se realiza esta práctica, son las recomendaciones dadas por la Agencia Medioambiente Estadunidense (USEPA, 2012) o las publicadas por el Estado de California (Título 22, 2001). Estas normas establecen unos indicadores y valores máximos dónde el tratamiento de regeneración es el responsable de la calidad final en función del uso. Durante 2015, la ISO trabajaba en un documento para el uso urbano donde se muestra tanto los posibles parámetros que habría que controlar como la manera de actuar para evitar posibles riesgos. Por otro lado, la Comisión Europea (CE) viene impulsando desde el 2014 la reutilización de aguas depuradas dentro del marco de la Estrategia Común de Implantación de la Directiva Marco del Agua, y fundamentalmente a través del grupo de trabajo de “Programas de medidas”. Para el desarrollo de esta iniciativa se está planteando sacar para 2016 una guía de recomendaciones que podría venir a completar el marco normativo de los distintos Estados Miembros (EM). El Real Decreto 1620/2007, donde se establece el marco jurídico de la reutilización de efluentes depurados, tiende más a la filosofía implantada por la USEPA, aunque la UE parece más partidaria de una gestión del riesgo, donde se establecen unos niveles de tolerancia y unos puntos de control en función de las condiciones socioeconómicas de los distintos Estados, sin entrar a concretar indicadores, valores máximos o tratamientos. Sin embargo, en la normativa estadounidense se indican una serie de tratamientos de regeneración, mientras que, en la española, se hacen recomendaciones a este respecto en una Guía sin validez legal. Por tanto, queda sin regular los procesos para alcanzar estos estándares de calidad, pudiendo ser éstos no apropiados para esta práctica. Es el caso de la desinfección donde el uso de hipoclorito puede generar subproductos indeseables. En la Guía de recomendaciones para la aplicación del RD, publicada por el Ministerio de Agricultura y Medioambiente (MAGRAMA) en 2010, se aclaran cuestiones frecuentes sobre la aplicación del RD, prescripciones técnicas básicas para los sistemas de reutilización, y buenas prácticas en función del uso. Aun así, el RD sigue teniendo deficiencias en su aplicación siendo necesaria una revisión de la misma, como en las frecuencias de muestreo incluso la omisión de algunos parámetros como huevos de nematodos que se ha demostrado ser inexistentes tras un tratamiento de regeneración convencional. En este sentido, existe una tendencia a nivel mundial a reutilizar las aguas con fines de abastecimiento, incluir indicadores de presencia de virus o protozoos, o incluir ciertas tecnologías como las membranas u oxidaciones avanzadas para afrontar temas como los contaminantes emergentes. Otro de los objetivos de este trabajo es el estudio de tipologías de tratamiento en función de los usos establecidos en el RD 1620/2007 y sus costes asociados, siendo base de lo establecido a este respecto en la Guía y PNRA anteriormente indicados. Las tipologías de tratamiento propuestas se dividen en líneas con capacidad de desalar y las que no cuentan con una unidad de desalación de aguas salobres de ósmosis inversa o electrodiálisis reversible. Se realiza esta división al tener actuaciones en zonas costeras donde el agua de mar entra en los colectores, adquiriendo el agua residual un contenido en sales que es limitante en algunos usos. Para desarrollar este objetivo se han estudiado las unidades de tratamiento más implantadas en ERAs españolas en cuanto a fiabilidad para conseguir determinada calidad y coste, tanto de implantación como de explotación. El TRC, tiene un coste de implantación de 28 a 48 €.m-3.d y de explotación de 0,06 a 0,09 €. m-3, mientras que, si se precisara desalar, este coste se multiplica por diez en la implantación y por cinco en la explotación. En caso de los usos que requieren de TRA, como los domiciliarios o algunos industriales, los costes serían de 185 a 398 €.m-3.d en implantación y de 0,14 a 0,20 €.m-3 en explotación. En la selección de tecnologías de regeneración, la capacidad del tratamiento en relación al coste es un indicador fundamental. Este trabajo aporta curvas de tendencia coste-capacidad que sirven de herramienta de selección frente a otros tratamientos de regeneración de reciente implantación como son los MBR, u otros como la desalación de agua de mar o los trasvases entre cuencas dentro de la planificación hidrológica. En España, el aumento de las necesidades de agua de alta calidad en zonas con recursos escasos, aumento de zonas sensibles como puntos de captación para potables, zonas de baño o zonas de producción piscícola, y en ocasiones, el escaso terreno disponible para la implantación de nuevas plantas depuradoras (EDARs), han convertido a los MBRs, en una opción dentro del marco de la reutilización de aguas depuradas. En este trabajo, se estudia esta tecnología frente a los TRC y TRA, aportando igualmente curvas de tendencia coste-capacidad, e identificando cuando esta opción tecnológica puede ser más competitiva frente a los otros tratamientos de regeneración. Un MBR es un tratamiento de depuración de fangos activos donde el decantador secundario es sustituido por un sistema de membranas de UF o MF. La calidad del efluente, por tanto, es la misma que el de una EDAR seguida de un TRA. Los MBRs aseguran una calidad del efluente para todos los usos establecidos en el RD, incluso dan un efluente que permite ser directamente tratado por las unidades de desalación de OI o EDR. La implantación de esta tecnología en España ha tenido un crecimiento exponencial, pasando de 13 instalaciones de menos de 5.000 m3. d-1 en el 2006, a más de 55 instalaciones en operación o construcción a finales del 2014, seis de ellas con capacidades por encima de los 15.000 m3. d-1. Los sistemas de filtración en los MBR son los que marcan la operación y diseño de este tipo de instalaciones. El sistema más implantado en España es de membrana de fibra hueca (MFH), sobre todo para instalaciones de gran capacidad, destacando Zenon que cuenta con el 57% de la capacidad total instalada. La segunda casa comercial con mayor número de plantas es Kubota, con membranas de configuración placa plana (MPP), que cuenta con el 30 % de la capacidad total instalada. Existen otras casas comerciales implantadas en MBR españoles como son Toray, Huber, Koch o Microdym. En este documento se realiza la descripción de los sistemas de filtración de todas estas casas comerciales, aportando información de sus características, parámetros de diseño y operación más relevantes. El estudio de 14 MBRs ha posibilitado realizar otro de los objetivos de este trabajo, la estimación de los costes de explotación e implantación de este tipo de sistemas frente a otras alternativas de tratamiento de regeneración. En este estudio han participado activamente ACA y ESAMUR, entidades públicas de saneamiento y depuración de Cataluña y Murcia respectivamente, que cuentan con una amplia experiencia en la explotación de este tipo de sistemas. Este documento expone los problemas de operación encontrados y sus posibles soluciones, tanto en la explotación como en los futuros diseños de este tipo de plantas. El trabajo concluye que los MBRs son una opción más para la reutilización de efluentes depurados, siendo ventajosos en costes, tanto de implantación como de explotación, respecto a EDARs seguidas de TRA en capacidades por encima de los 10.000 m3.d-1. ABSTRACT The reuse of treated effluent has always been an option in places where a situational or structural water deficit exists, whether regulatory and/or planning efforts are completed or not. The need arises from the demand of a sector, commonly agricultural irrigation, which benefits of this new resource. Within the EU, Spain is ahead in the annual volume of reclaimed water, and is among the top ten countries at a global scale. The regulation of this practice through the Royal Decree 1620/2007 has helped to incorporate the water reuse to the hydrological plans as a part of the programme of measures to mitigate pressures such as surface or ground water extraction, or environmental improvements preventing discharges. The object of this study is to gain an overview of the state of the water reuse in Spain, the different scenarios and approaches to this activity, the development of the legal framework and its enforceability, together with the treatments that achieve the quality levels according to the current law, broken down by applications. Additionally, a cost analysis of technologies and regeneration treatment lines for water reclamation is performed, whereas the regeneration treatment is located after a wastewater treatment or other options such as membrane bioreactors (MBR). To develop the abovementioned objectives, the state of water reuse in Spain is studied by means of a database designed to encompass all aspects of the activity: data from the wastewater treatment plants (WWTP), from the water reclamation plants (WRP), the use of reclaimed water, treated water and reclaimed water annual volumes and qualities, facilities and applications, geographic references, technologies, regeneration treatment lines, etc. The main data providers are the River Basin authorities, through the concession or authorization for water reuse, (sanitary and wastewater treatment managers from the territorial governments, local governments, Hydrological Plans of the River Basins and field visits to the main water reuse systems. Additionally, a review of different plans and programmes on wastewater treatment or water reuse is done, aiming to put the development and consolidation process of this activity in the different regions of Spain in perspective. An inventory of 322 reuse systems and 216 regeneration treatments has been gathered on the database, where the most extended regeneration treatment line was sand filtration followed by hypochlorite disinfection, even though recently it is being replaced by physical–chemical treatment with a lamella settling system, depth sand filtration, and a disinfection with ultraviolet radiation and hypochlorite as residual disinfectant, named conventional regeneration treatment (CRT), and another treatment that may include a membrane process, named advanced regeneration treatment (ART), to adapt to legal requirements. Agricultural use is the most extended, accumulating 70% of the reclaimed demand, estimated at 408 hm3, even though the expected total capacity of WRPs for 2015, after the implementation of the National Water Reuse Plan (NWRP) is three times higher. According to the development of the water reuse legal framework, there were pioneer areas where competent authorities developed different quality and use recommendations for this new resource. Agricultural use and golf course irrigation in touristic areas were the first two uses with recommendations and even legislation. The initial lack of common legislation for water reuse at a national or European level created some doubts which affected the implementation of water reuse, both from a planning and a licensing point of view. Currently there is still a lack of common international legislation regarding water reuse, technologies and applications. Regarding agricultural use, the model recommendations at a global scale are those set by the World Health Organization published in 1989, and subsequent reviews and extensions about risk prevention (WHO, 2006). These documents combine wastewater treatments with basic regeneration treatments reinforced by good practices based on different levels of protection to avoid deleterious health effects. Another relevant legal reference for this practices has been the Environmental Protection Agency of the US (USEPA, 2012), or those published by the State of California (Title 22, 2001). These establish indicator targets and maximum thresholds where regeneration treatment lines are responsible for the final quality according to the different uses. During 2015, the ISO has worked on a document aimed at urban use, where the possible parameters to be monitored together with risk prevention have been studied. On the other hand, the European Commission has been promoting the reuse of treated effluents within the Common Implementation Strategy of the Water Framework Directive, mainly through the work of the Programme of Measures Working Group. Within this context, the publication of a recommendation guide during 2016 is intended, as a useful tool to fill in the legal gaps of different Member States on the matter. The Royal Decree 1620/2007, where the water reuse regulation is set, resembles the principles of the USEPA more closely, even though the EU shows a tendency to prioritize risk assessment by establishing tolerance levels and thresholds according to socioeconomic conditions of the different countries, without going into details of indicators, maximum thresholds or treatments. In contrast, in the US law, regeneration treatments are indicated, while in the Spanish legislation, the only recommendations to this respect are compiled in a non-compulsory guide. Therefore, there is no regulation on the different treatment lines used to achieve the required quality standards, giving room for inappropriate practices in this respect. This is the case of disinfection, where the use of hypochlorite may produce harmful byproducts. In the recommendation Guide for the application of the Royal Decree (RD), published by the Ministry of Agriculture and Environment (MAGRAMA) in 2010, clarifications of typical issues that may arise from the application of the RD are given, as well as basic technical parameters to consider in reuse setups, or good practices according to final use. Even so, the RD still presents difficulties in its application and requires a review on issues such as the sampling frequency of current quality parameters or even the omission of nematode eggs indicator, which have been shown to be absent after CRT. In this regard, there is a global tendency to employ water reuse for drinking water, including indicators for the presence of viruses and protozoans, or to include certain technologies such as membranes or advanced oxidation processes to tackle problems like emerging pollutants. Another of the objectives of this study is to provide different regeneration treatment lines to meet the quality requirements established in the RD 1620/2007 broken down by applications, and to estimate establishment and operational costs. This proposal has been based on what is established in the above mentioned Guide and NWRP. The proposed treatment typologies are divided in treatment trains with desalination, like reverse osmosis or reversible electrodialisis, and those that lack this treatment for brackish water. This separation is done due to coastal facilities, where sea water may permeate the collecting pipes, rising salt contents in the wastewater, hence limiting certain uses. To develop this objective a study of the most common treatment units set up in Spanish WRPs is conducted in terms of treatment train reliability to obtain an acceptable relationship between the required quality and the capital and operational costs. The CRT has an establishment cost of 28 to 48 €.m-3.d and an operation cost of 0.06 to 0.09 €.m-3, while, if desalination was required, these costs would increase tenfold for implementation and fivefold for operation. In the cases of uses that require ART, such as residential or certain industrial uses, the costs would be of 185 to 398 €.m-3.d for implementation and of 0.14 to 0.20 €.m-3 for operation. When selecting regeneration treatment lines, the relation between treatment capacity and cost is a paramount indicator. This project provides cost-capacity models for regeneration treatment trains. These may serve as a tool when selecting between different options to fulfill water demands with MBR facilities, or others such as sea water desalination plants or inter-basin water transfer into a water planning framework. In Spain, the requirement for high quality water in areas with low resource availability, the increasing number of sensitive zones, such as drinking water extraction, recreational bathing areas, fish protected areas and the lack of available land to set up new WWTPs, have turned MBRs into a suitable option for water reuse. In this work this technology is analyzed in contrast to CRT and ART, providing cost-capacity models, and identifying when and where this treatment option may outcompete other regeneration treatments. An MBR is an activated sludge treatment where the secondary settling is substituted by a membrane system of UF or MF. The quality of the effluent is, therefore, comparable to that of a WWTP followed by an ART. MBRs ensure a sufficient quality level for the requirements of the different uses established in the RD, even producing an effluent that can be directly treated in OI or EDR processes. The implementation of this technology in Spain has grown exponentially, growing from 13 facilities with less than 5000 m3.d-1 in 2006 to above 55 facilities operating by the end of 2014, 6 of them with capacities over 15000 m3.d-1. The membrane filtration systems for MBR are the ones that set the pace of operation and design of this type of facilities. The most widespread system in Spain is the hollow fiber membrane configuration, especially on high flow capacities, being Zenon commercial technology, which mounts up to 57% of the total installed capacity, the main contributor. The next commercial technology according to plant number is Kubota, which uses flat sheet membrane configuration, which mounts up to 30% of the total installed capacity. Other commercial technologies exist within the Spanish MBR context, such as Toray, Huber, Koch or Microdym. In this document an analysis of all of these membrane filtration systems is done, providing information about their characteristics and relevant design and operation parameters. The study of 14 full scale running MBRs has enabled to pursue another of the objectives of this work: the estimation of the implementation and operation costs of this type of systems in contrast to other regeneration alternatives. Active participation of ACA and ESAMUR, public wastewater treatment and reuse entities of Cataluña and Murcia respectively, has helped attaining this objective. A number of typical operative problems and their possible solutions are discussed, both for operation and plant design purposes. The conclusion of this study is that MBRs are another option to consider for water reuse, being advantageous in terms of both implementation and operational costs, when compared with WWTPs followed by ART, when considering flow capacities above 10000 m3.d-1.

La Ordenación del Territorio en las Ciudades Globales Europeas: El caso de Madrid

En la Comunidad de Madrid el modelo de ocupación del territorio en las dos últimas décadas ha obedecido a factores de oferta del mercado y no a las necesidades de la población, ello provoca un consumo de suelo y de recursos que conducen a una sobrexplotación insostenible. Las metrópolis globales están experimentando rápidas e intensas transformaciones, basadas en los paradigmas emergentes de la globalización, la gobernanza, la metropolizacion y la dispersión de las actividades en el territorio y a través de ellos se abordan los planes de Londres, París y las tentativas de Madrid. La globalización provoca la pérdida de soberanía de las administraciones publicas y la competitividad entre las ciudades globales en Europa, Londres, Paris y Madrid, son centros de poder, de concentración y crecimiento donde se produce la dualización del espacio y donde la desigualdad participa de la restructuración urbana, concentración de pobreza frente a espacios de la nueva clase emergente en donde dominan los sectores de servicios y las tecnologías de la información. Frente al desarrollo urbano neoliberal de regulación a través del mercado y basada en criterios de eficiencia de la Nueva Gestión Pública, se vislumbra la posibilidad de que la sociedad se administre a si misma por medio de acciones voluntarias y responsables que promuevan los intereses colectivos mediante el reconocimiento de su propia identidad, introduciendo el concepto de gobernanza. Frente, a la explotación del territorio por parte de la sociedad extractiva que genera corrupcion, se propone un modelo de cooperación público-privada basado en la confianza mutua, un marco regulador estable, la transparencia y la información a cuyo flujo más homogéneo contribuirán sin duda las TICs. En todo este proceso, las regiones metropolitanas en Europa se erigen como motores del crecimiento, donde los límites administrativos son superados, en un territorio cada vez más extendido y donde los gobiernos locales tienen que organizarse mediante un proceso de cooperación en la provisión de servicios que ayuden a evitar los desequilibrios territoriales. El fenómeno de la dispersión urbana en desarrollos de baja densidad, los centros comerciales periféricos, la expulsión hacia la periferia de las actividades de menor valor añadido y la concentración de funciones directivas en el centro, conducen a una fragmentación del territorio en islas dependientes del automóvil y a procesos de exclusión social por la huida de las rentas altas y la expulsión de las rentas bajas de los centros urbanos. Se crean fragmentos monofuncionales y discontinuos, apoyados en las autovías, lugares carentes de identidad y generadores de despilfarro de recursos y una falta de sostenibilidad ambiental, económica y social. El estudio de la cultura de la planificación en Europa ayuda a comprender los diferentes enfoques en la ordenación del territorio y el proceso de convergencia entre las diferentes regiones. Los documentos de la UE se basan en la necesidad de la competitividad para el crecimiento europeo y la cohesión social y en relación al territorio en los desarrollos policéntricos, la resolución del dualismo campo-ciudad, el acceso equilibrado a las infraestructuras, la gestión prudente de la naturaleza, el patrimonio y el fomento de la identidad. Se proponen dos niveles de estudio uno actual, los últimos planes de Londres y Paris y el otro la evolución de las tentativas de planes en la Región madrileña siempre en relación a los paradigmas emergentes señalados y su reflejo en los documentos. El Plan de Londres es estratégico, con una visión a largo plazo, donde se confiere un gran interés al proceso, al papel del alcalde como líder y su adaptación a las circunstancias cambiantes, sujeto a las incertidumbres de una ciudad global. El desarrollo del mismo se concibe a través de la colaboración y cooperación entre las administraciones y actores. La estructura del documento es flexible, establece orientaciones y guías indicativas, para la redacción de los planes locales, no siendo las mismas vinculantes y con escasa representación grafica. El Plan de París es más un plan físico, similar al de otros centros europeos, trabaja sobre los sectores y sobre los territorios, con información extensa, con características de “Plan Latino” por la fuerza de la expresión gráfica, pero al mismo tiempo contiene una visión estratégica. Es vinculante en sus determinaciones y normativas, se plantea fomentar, pero también prohibir. Ambos planes tratan la competitividad internacional de sus centros urbanos, la igualdad social, la inclusión de todos los grupos sociales y la vivienda como una cuestión de dignidad humana. Londres plantea la gobernanza como cooperación entre sector público-privado y la necesaria cooperación con las regiones limítrofes, en París las relaciones están más institucionalizadas resaltando la colaboración vertical entre administraciones. Ambos plantean la densificación de nodos servidos por transporte público, modos blandos y el uso los TODs y la preservación de la infraestructura verde jerarquizada, la potenciación de la red azul y la mejora del paisaje de las periferias. En las “tentativas” de planes territoriales de Madrid se constata que estuvieron sujetas a los ciclos económicos. El primer Documento las DOT del año 1984, no planteaba crecimiento, ni económico ni demográfico, a medio plazo y por ello no proponía una modificación del modelo radio concéntrico. Se trataba de un Plan rígido volcado en la recuperación del medio rural, de la ciudad, el dimensionamiento de los crecimientos en función de las dotaciones e infraestructuras existentes. Aboga por la intervención de la administración pública y la promoción del pequeño comercio. Destaca el desequilibrio social en función de la renta, la marginación de determinados grupos sociales, el desequilibrio residencia/empleo y la excesiva densidad. Incide en la necesidad de viviendas para los más desfavorecidos mediante el alquiler, la promoción suelo público y la promoción del ferrocarril para dar accesibilidad al espacio central. Aboga por el equipamiento de proximidad y de pequeño tamaño, el tratamiento paisajístico de los límites urbanos de los núcleos y el control de las actividades ilegales señalando orientaciones para el planeamiento urbano. Las Estrategias (1989) contienen una visión: la modificación del modelo territorial, mediante la intervención pública a través de proyectos. Plantea la reestructuración económica del territorio, la reconversión del aparato productivo, la deslocalización de actividades de escaso valor añadido y una mayor ubicuidad de la actividad económica. Incide en la difusión de la centralidad hacia el territorio del sur, equilibrándolo con el norte, tratando de recomponer empleo y residencia, integrando al desarrollo económico las periferias entre sí y con el centro. Las actuaciones de transporte consolidarían las actuaciones, modificando el modelo radio concéntrico facilitando la movilidad mediante la red de cercanías y la intermodalidad. El plan se basaba en el liderazgo del Consejero, no integrando sectores como el medio ambiente, ni estableciendo un documento de seguimiento de las actuaciones que evaluara los efectos de las políticas y su aportación al equilibrio territorial, a través de los proyectos realizados. El Documento Preparatorio de las Bases (1995), es más de un compendio o plan de planes, recoge análisis y propuestas de los documentos anteriores y de planes sectoriales de otros departamentos. Presenta una doble estructura: un plan físico integrador clásico, que abarca los sectores y territorios, y recoge las Estrategias previas añadiendo puntos fuertes, como el malestar urbano y la rehabilitación el centro. Plantea la consecución del equilibrio ambiental mediante el crecimiento de las ciudades existentes, la vertebración territorial basada en la movilidad y en la potenciación de nuevas centralidades, la mejora de la habitabilidad y rehabilitación integral del Centro Urbano de Madrid, y la modernización del tejido productivo existente. No existe una idea-fuerza que aglutine todo el documento, parte del reconocimiento de un modelo existente concentrado y congestivo, un centro urbano dual y dos periferias al este y sur con un declive urbano y obsolescencia productiva y al oeste y norte con una dispersión que amenaza al equilibrio medioambiental. Señala como aspectos relevantes, la creciente polarización y segregación social, la deslocalización industrial, la aparición de las actividades de servicios a las empresas instaladas en las áreas metropolitanas, y la dispersión de las actividades económicas en el territorio por la banalización del uso del automóvil. Se plantea el reto de hacer ciudad de la extensión suburbana y su conexión con el sistema metropolitano, mediante una red de ciudades integrada y complementaria, en búsqueda de un mayor equilibrio y solidaridad territorial. Las Bases del PRET (1997) tenían como propósito iniciar el proceso de concertación en que debe basarse la elaboración del Plan. Parte de la ciudad mediterránea compacta, y diversa, y de la necesidad de que las actividades económicas, los servicios y la residencia estén en proximidad, resolviéndolo mediante una potente red de transporte público que permitiese una accesibilidad integrada al territorio. El flujo de residencia hacia la periferia, con un modelo ajeno de vivienda unifamiliar y la concentración del empleo en el centro producen desequilibrio territorial. Madrid manifiesta siempre apostó por la densificación del espacio central urbanizado, produciendo su congestión, frente al desarrollo de nuevos suelos que permitieran su expansión territorial. Precisa que es necesario preservar los valores de centralidad de Madrid, como generador de riqueza, canalizando toda aquella demanda de centralidad, hacia espacios más periféricos. El problema de la vivienda no lo ve solo como social, sino como económico, debido a la pérdida de empleos que supone su paralización. Observa ya los crecimientos residenciales en el borde de la region por el menor valor del suelo. Plantea como la política de oferta ha dado lugar a un modelo de crecimiento fragmentado, desequilibrado, desestructurado, con fuertes déficits dotacionales y de equipamiento, que inciden en la segregación espacial de las rentas, agravando el proceso de falta de identidad morfológica y de desarraigo de los valores urbanos. El plan señalaba que la presión sobre el territorio creaba su densificación por las limitaciones de espacio, Incidía en limitar el peso de la intervención pública, no planteando propuestas de cooperación público-privado. La mayor incoherencia estriba en que los objetivos eran innovadores y coinciden en su mayoría con las propuestas estudiadas de Londres o Paris, pero se intentan implementar a través de un cambio hacia un modelo reticulado homogéneo, expansivo sobre el territorio, que supone un consumo de suelo y de infraestructuras para solucionar un problema inexistente, la gestión de la densidad. Durante las dos últimas décadas en ausencia de un plan regional, la postura neoliberal fue la de un exclusivo control de legalidad del planeamiento, los municipios entraron en un proceso de competencia para aprovechar las iniciales ventajas económicas de los crecimientos detectados, que proporcionaban una base económica “sólida” a unos municipios con escasos recursos en sus presupuestos municipales. La legislación se modifica a requerimiento de grupos interesados, no existiendo un marco estable. Se pierde la figura del plan no solo a nivel regional, si no en los sectores y el planeamiento municipal donde los municipios tiende a basarse en modificaciones puntuales con la subsiguiente pérdida del modelo urbanístico. La protección ambiental se estructura mediante un extenso nivel de figuras, con diversidad de competencias que impide su efectiva protección y control. Este proceso produce un despilfarro en la ocupación del suelo, apoyada en las infraestructuras viarias, y un crecimiento disperso y de baja densidad, cada vez más periférico, produciéndose una segmentación social por dualización del espacio en función de niveles de renta. Al amparo del boom inmobiliario, se produce una falta de política social de vivienda pública, más basada en la dinamización del mercado con producción de viviendas para rentas medias que en políticas de alquiler para determinados grupos concentrándose estas en los barrios desfavorecidos y en la periferia sur. Se produce un incremento de la vivienda unifamiliar, muchas veces amparada en políticas públicas, la misma se localiza en el oeste principalmente, en espacios de valor como el entorno del Guadarrama o con viviendas más baratas por la popularización de la tipología en la frontera de la Región. El territorio se especializa a modo de islas monofuncionales, las actividades financieras y de servicios avanzados a las empresas se localizan en el norte y oeste próximo, se pierde actividad industrial que se dispersa más al sur, muchas veces fuera de la región. Se incrementan los grandes centros comerciales colgados de las autovías y sin población en su entorno. Todo este proceso ha provocado una pérdida de utilización del transporte público y un aumento significativo del uso del vehículo privado. En la dos últimas décadas se ha producido en la región de Madrid desequilibrio territorial y segmentación social, falta de implicación de la sociedad en el territorio, dispersión del crecimiento y un incremento de los costes ambientales, sociales y económicos, situación, que solo, a través del uso racional del territorio se puede reconducir, apoyado en una planificación integrada sensible y participativa. ABSTRACT In Madrid the model of land occupation in the past two decades has been driven by market supply factors rather than the needs of the population. This results in a consumption of land and resources that leads to unsustainable overexploitation. Addressing this issue must be done through sensitive and participatory integrated planning. Global cities are experiencing rapid and intense change based on the emerging paradigms of globalization, governance, metropolization and the dispersion of activities in the territory. Through this context, a closer look will be taken at the London and Paris plans as well as the tentative plans of Madrid. Globalization causes the loss of state sovereignty and the competitiveness among global cities in Europe; London, Paris and Madrid. These are centres of power, concentration and growth where the duality of space is produced, and where inequality plays a part in urban restructuration. There are concentrated areas of poverty versus areas with a new emerging class where the services sector and information technologies are dominant. The introduction of ICTs contributes to a more homogeneous flow of information leading, us to the concept of governance. Against neoliberal urban development based on free market regulations and efficiency criteria as established by the “New Public Management”, emerge new ways where society administers itself through voluntary and responsible actions to promote collective interests by recognizing their own identity. A new model of public-private partnerships surfaces that is based on mutual trust, transparency, information and a stable regulatory framework in light of territorial exploitation by the “extractive society” that generates corruption. Throughout this process, European metropolitan regions become motors of growth where administrative boundaries are overcome in an ever expanding territory where government is organized through cooperative processes to provide services that protect against regional imbalances. Urban sprawl or low-density development as seen in peripheral shopping centres, the off-shoring of low added-value activities to the periphery, and the concentration of business and top management functions in the centre, leads to a fragmentation of the territory in automobile dependent islands and a process of social exclusion brought on by the disappearance of high incomes. Another effect is the elimination of low income populations from urban centres. In consequence, discontinuous expansions and mono-functional places that lack identity materialize supported by a highway network and high resource consumption. Studying the culture of urban planning in Europe provides better insight into different approaches to spatial planning and the process of convergence between different regions. EU documents are based on the need of competitiveness for European growth and social cohesion. In relation to polycentric development territory they are based on a necessity to solve the dualism between field and city, balanced access to infrastructures, prudent management of nature and solidifying heritage and identity Two levels of study unfold, the first being the current plans of London and Île-de-France and the second being the evolution of tentative plans for the Madrid region as related to emerging paradigms and how this is reflected in documents. The London Plan is strategic with a long-term vision that focuses on operation, the role of the mayor as a pivotal leader, and the adaptability to changing circumstances brought on by the uncertainties of a global city. Its development is conceived through collaboration and cooperation between governments and stakeholders. The document structure is flexible, providing guidance and indicative guidelines on how to draft local plans so they are not binding, and it contains scarce graphic representation. The Plan of Paris takes on a more physical form and is similar to plans of other European centres. It emphasizes sectors and territories, using extensive information, and is more characteristic of a “Latin Plan” as seen in its detailed graphic expression. However, it also contains a strategic vision. Binding in its determinations and policy, it proposes advancement but also prohibition. Both plans address the international competitiveness of urban centres, social equality, inclusion of all social groups and housing as issues of human dignity. London raises governance and cooperation between public and private sector and the need for cooperation with neighbouring regions. In Paris, the relations are more institutionalized highlighting vertical collaboration between administrations. Both propose nodes of densification served by public transportation, soft modes and the use of TOD, the preservation of a hierarchical green infrastructure, and enhancing the landscape in urban peripheries. The tentative territorial plans for the Madrid region provide evidence that they were subject to economic cycles. The first document of master guidelines (1984) does not address either economic or demographic growth in the mid term and therefore does not propose the modification of the radio-concentric model. It is a rigid plan focused on rural and urban recovery and the dimensioning of growth that depends on endowments and infrastructures. It advocates government intervention and promotes small business. The plan emphasizes social imbalance in terms of income, marginalization of certain social groups, the imbalance of residence/employment and excessive density. It stresses the need for social rent housing for the underprivileged, promotes public land, and the supports rail accessibility to the central area. It backs facilities of proximity and small size, enhancing the landscaping of city borders, controlling illegal activities and draws out guidelines for urban planning. The strategies (1989) contain a vision: Changing the territorial model through public intervention by means of projects. They bring to light economic restructuring of territory, the reconversion of the productive apparatus, relocation of low value-added activities, and greater ubiquity of economic activity. They also propose the diffusion of centrality towards southern territories, balancing it with the north in an attempt to reset employment and residence that integrates peripheral economic development both in the periphery and the centre. Transport would consolidate the project, changing the radius-concentric model and facilitating mobility through a commuter and inter-modality network. The plan derives itself from the leadership of the minister and does not integrate sectors such as environment. It also does not incorporate the existence of a written document that monitors performance to evaluate the effects of policies and their contribution to the territorial balance. The Preparatory Document of the Bases, (1995) is more a compendium, or plan of plans, that compiles analysis and proposals from previous documents and sectorial plans from other departments. It has a dual structure: An integrating physical plan covering the sectors and territories that includes the previous strategies while adding some strengths. One such point is the urban discomfort and the rehabilitation of the centre. It also poses the achievement of environmental balance through the growth of existing cities, the territorial linking based on mobility, strengthening new centres, improving the liveability and comprehensive rehabilitation of downtown Madrid, and the modernization of the existing production network. There is no one powerful idea that binds this document. This is due to the recognition of an existing concentrate and congestive model, a dual urban centre, two eastern and southern suburbs suffering from urban decay, and an obsolescent productive north and west whose dispersion threatens the environmental balance. Relevant aspects the document highlights are increasing polarization and social segregation, industrial relocation, the emergence of service activities to centralized companies in metropolitan areas and the dispersion of economic activities in the territory by the trivialization of car use. It proposes making the city from the suburban sprawl and its connection to the metropolitan system through a network of integrated and complementary cities in search of a better balance and territorial solidarity. The Bases of PRET (1997) aims to start the consultation process that must underpin the development of the plan. It stems from a compact and diverse Mediterranean city along with the need for economic activities, services and residences that are close. To resolve the issue, it presents a powerful network of public transport that allows integrated accessibility to the territory. The flow of residence to the periphery based on a foreign model of detached housing and an employment concentration in the centre produces territorial imbalance. Madrid always opted for the densification of the central space, producing its congestion, against the development of new land that would allow its territorial expansion. The document states that the necessity to preserve the values of the housing problem is not only viewed as social, but also economic due to the loss of jobs resulting from their paralysis. It notes the residential growth in the regional border due to the low price of land and argues that the policy of supply has led to a fragmented model of growth that is unbalanced, unstructured, with strong infrastructure and facility deficits that affect the spatial segregation of income and aggravate the lack of morphological identity, uprooting urban values. The pressure on the territory caused its densification due to space limitation; the proposed grid model causes land consumption and infrastructure to solve a non-problem, density. Focusing on limiting the weight of public intervention, it does not raise proposals for public-private cooperation. The biggest discrepancy is that the targets were innovative and mostly align with the proposals in London and Paris. However, it proposes to be implemented through a shift towards a uniform gridded model that is expansive over territory. During the last two decades, due to the absence of a regional plan, a neoliberal stance held exclusive control of the legality of urban planning. The municipalities entered a competition process to take advantage of initial economic benefits of such growth. This provided a “solid” economic base for some municipalities with limited resources in their municipal budgets. The law was amended without a legal stable framework at the request of stakeholders. The character of the plan is lost not only regionally, but also in the sectors and municipal planning. This tends to be based on specific changes with the loss of an urban model. Environmental protection is organized through an extensive number of protection figures with diverse competencies that prevent its effective protection. This process squanders the use of the land, backed by increasing road infrastructure, dispersed occupations with low-density growth causing a social segmentation due to space duality based on income levels. During the housing boom, there is a reduction in social public housing policy mostly due to a boost in the market of housing production for average incomes than in rental policies for needy social groups that focus on disadvantaged neighbourhoods and southern suburbs. As a result, there is an increase in single-family housing, often protected by public policy. This is located primarily in the west in areas of high environmental value such as Guadarrama. There is also cheaper housing due to the popularization of typology in the border region. There, territory works as a mono-functional islands. Financial activities and advanced services for companies are located to the north and west where industrial activity is lost as it migrates south, often outside the region. The number of large shopping centres hanging off the highway infrastructure with little to no surrounding population increases. This process leads to the loss of dependency on public transport and a significant increase in the use of private vehicles. The absence of regional planning has produced more imbalance, more social segmentation, more dispersed growth and a lot of environmental, social and economic costs that can only be redirected through rational territorial.

O AGENDAMENTO DE TELEJORNAIS BRASILEIROS EM SITES NOTICIOSOS DE CONTEÚDO COLABORATIVO

The thesis investigates if with the free news production, people who post information on collaborative content sites, known as interacting, tend to reproduce information that was scheduled for Tv news. This study is a comparison of the collaborative content vehicles Vc reporter, Vc no G1 and Eu reporter with TV news SBT Brasil, Jornal Nacional, Jornal da Record and Jornal da Band. We sought to determine whether those newscasts guide the collaborative platforms. The hypothesis assumes that Brazilian TV news have been building over time a credible relationship with the viewer, so it is possible to think that the interacting use the same criteria for selecting the broadcasts and reproduce similar information in collaborative content sites. The method used was content analysis, based on the study of Laurence Bardin and the type of research used was quantitative. This research concluded that, within a small portion of the universe surveyed, there are schedules of television news across the collaborative content.

A risk assessment for exposure to grunerite asbestos (amosite) in an iron ore mine

The potential for health risks to humans exposed to the asbestos minerals continues to be a public health concern. Although the production and use of the commercial amphibole asbestos minerals—grunerite (amosite) and riebeckite (crocidolite)—have been almost completely eliminated from world commerce, special opportunities for potentially significant exposures remain. Commercially viable deposits of grunerite asbestos are very rare, but it can occur as a gangue mineral in a limited part of a mine otherwise thought asbestos-free. This report describes such a situation, in which a very localized seam of grunerite asbestos was identified in an iron ore mine. The geological occurrence of the seam in the ore body is described, as well as the mineralogical character of the grunerite asbestos. The most relevant epidemiological studies of workers exposed to grunerite asbestos are used to gauge the hazards associated with the inhalation of this fibrous mineral. Both analytical transmission electron microscopy and phase-contrast optical microscopy were used to quantify the fibers present in the air during mining in the area with outcroppings of grunerite asbestos. Analytical transmission electron microscopy and continuous-scan x-ray diffraction were used to determine the type of asbestos fiber present. Knowing the level of the miner’s exposures, we carried out a risk assessment by using a model developed for the Environmental Protection Agency.

Como estamos indo? Estudo do deslocamento ativo no Brasil

Introdução: O deslocamento ativo tem estreita relação com problemas de saúde pública da atualidade e sua promoção pode contribuir para melhorias quanto à mobilidade urbana, estado de saúde e proteção do meio ambiente. Entretanto, a maior parte das pesquisas sobre o tema tem sido desenvolvida em países de renda alta. A presente tese busca ampliar a investigação sobre o deslocamento ativo no Brasil. Objetivos: i) Descrever a frequência, a distribuição e a variação temporal de indicadores do deslocamento ativo em populações brasileiras; ii) Avaliar o impacto de mudanças no padrão de transporte da população sobre o deslocamento ativo, o tempo sedentário e desfechos de saúde em populações brasileiras. Métodos: Tese composta por sete manuscritos. O primeiro apresenta revisão sistemática de estudos com informações sobre a prática de deslocamento ativo na América Latina e Caribe; o segundo descreve estimativas representativas da população brasileira sobre a prática de deslocamento ativo para o trabalho; o terceiro e o quarto descrevem a frequência e tendência temporal do deslocamento ativo na Região Metropolitana de São Paulo (ciclistas e escolares); o quinto discute a questão da mobilidade urbana e do direito à cidade em São Paulo; o sexto e o sétimo avaliam o impacto de mudanças no padrão de mobilidade da metrópole paulistana sobre a prática de deslocamento ativo, tempo não-ativo de deslocamento e tempo total de deslocamento, bem como sobre a poluição do ar e saúde da população. Resultados: A prevalência mediana de deslocamento ativo encontrada em diferentes locais do Brasil foi de 12 por cento , variando entre 5,1 por cento em Palmas (Tocantins) a 58,9 por cento em Rio Claro (São Paulo) (Manuscrito 1). Um terço dos homens e das mulheres desloca-se a pé ou de bicicleta de casa para o trabalho no país. Em ambos os sexos, esta proporção diminui com o aumento da renda e da escolaridade e é maior entre os mais jovens, entre os que residem em áreas rurais, e na região Nordeste. Em todas as regiões metropolitanas estudadas, o quinto das pessoas de menor renda apresenta uma maior frequência de deslocamento ativo (Manuscrito 2). Entre os anos de 2007 e 2012, observamos redução no número de ciclistas em São Paulo e diferenças expressivas na proporção de ciclistas entre homens e mulheres (9,7 por mil habitantes versus 1,4 por mil habitantes em 2012) (Manuscrito 3). Também verificamos uma queda na proporção de crianças que se deslocam ativamente para a escola entre os anos de 1997 e 2012 (Manuscrito 4). O cenário epidemiológico do deslocamento ativo no país é resultante da disputa pelo direito à cidade, com repercussões na transição de mobilidade humana e na saúde e qualidade de vida da população, como podemos observar no caso de São Paulo (Manuscrito 5). A construção de uma São Paulo mais inclusiva, com menores distâncias para os deslocamentos cotidianos e maior frequência de caminhada e bicicleta, levaria à substancial redução do tempo total e do tempo sedentário despendidos nos deslocamentos, sem diminuir a duração do deslocamento ativo (Manuscrito 6). Traria também ganhos à saúde da população, sobretudo pelo aumento da prática de atividade física e da redução da poluição do ar (Manuscrito 7). Conclusões: A prática de deslocamento ativo no Brasil apresenta marcadas diferenças segundo região e características sociodemográficas. De um modo geral, esta prática vem diminuindo no país, o que deve contribuir negativamente para a saúde da população. A promoção de cidades mais inclusivas e compactas, com o favorecimento a modos ativos de deslocamento, pode contribuir para reverter esta preocupante tendência.