La casa en imágenes : pulsos, ecos y huellas del habitar contemporáneo

La imagen fotográfica es un bloque espacio tiempo congelado, un fragmento referido al antes y el después de algo. Al contemplar una fotografía de un interior doméstico, descubrimos un entretejido sutil entre el habitante y su hábitat. Somos capaces de recaer en más detalles de los que el ojo humano puede apreciar en su visión cotidiana, siempre ligada al devenir espacio temporal. El acto de fotografiar el hogar, de congelar unidades habitadas infinitesimales, se revela como una manifestación radical del modo unipersonal de habitar de cada fotógrafo, profesional o aficionado, y por extensión, dado que hoy todos somos fotógrafos; de cada habitante. Por un lado, la fotografía se piensa aquí como herramienta, capaz de desvelar, de poner en el mundo, los elementos, percepciones y acontecimientos, que subyacen imbricados en la construcción del hogar. Por otro, la imagen se entiende como medio de expresión y de comunicación, como el lenguaje universal de nuestro tiempo, por todos conocido y utilizado. En este momento de interconexión máxima, entre redes, datos y capas de cognición, de velocidad y aceleración, esta tesis doctoral se plantea como una vuelta a la reflexión, a la contemplación del objeto imagen, desde la certeza de que para que ésta hable hay que darle tiempo. Así, la investigación hay que entenderla desde una base ontológica y fenomenológica; desde la experiencia del ser que habita un entorno concreto y determinado. Se enmarca en el actual entorno socio cultural de occidente, se busca desvelar el significado y modo de habitar del habitante común, poniendo de manifiesto aquello que acontece para que una casa cualquiera, de un habitante cualquiera, devenga hogar. Los primeros indicios sobre el tema surgirán del análisis y la reinterpretación hermenéutica de un atlas de imágenes del habitar: cuerpo de imágenes reunido a partir de series fotográficas de hogares, de habitantes anónimos, puestos a luz por la mirada de un grupo de artistas. Posteriormente, ponemos a prueba el conocimiento adquirido en el análisis anterior, mientras que expandimos la investigación hacia el sentir del habitante común, mediante la realización de tres experimentos participativos, o estudios de campo cualitativos. Los resultados, de ambos grupos de casos de estudio, se compilan, organizan y estructuran en una taxonomía del habitar. Esta taxonomía está compuesta por cuarenta y siete parámetros, que explicitan la naturaleza compleja del hogar del siglo XXI. Este hogar es entendido como un constructo personal de cada habitante, un proceso que acontece en el tiempo y en el espacio, y que entraña la propia construcción del habitante. Esta extensa taxonomía se organiza según tres ámbitos del ser humano, en el primero se expresan los factores relacionados con el modo de "estar físicamente" en el hogar, incluyendo: al propio habitante, la casa como espacio arquitectónico y como materialidad: objetos, muebles, iconos y símbolos que pueblan el hogar. En segundo lugar, se manifiestan los parámetros relacionados con el modo de “percibir”: por un lado, aquello que se deriva de lo que se ve, y por otro, lo que se deriva de aquello que no se ve, pero se siente. En tercer lugar, se explicitan los factores relativos al habitante que "crea/juega" su hogar, quién por un lado, es en el mundo actuando, y que por otro, siente el mundo construyéndolo mediante una serie de relaciones que establece con él. Finalmente, la investigación intenta revelar las sinergias, conexiones y relaciones, entre todos estos elementos extraídos del sentir del habitante común, y que fueron inducidos mediante el análisis y reinterpretación de los casos de estudio, poniendo de manifiesto un orden de cosas en el habitar occidental contemporáneo. ABSTRACT The photographic image is a frozen space time block, a fragment referred to a something before and after. When we stare at the photography of domestic interiors we discover a subtle interweaving between the inhabitant and her habitat. We are able to acknowledge infinite more details than the human eye, in its continuous quotidian vision always linked to the space time progression, appreciates. The act of photographing the home, of freezing infinitesimal inhabited units, reveals as a radical statement of the concept of inhabiting for each photographer, professional or amateur, and by extension, as we today all are photographers, for each inhabitant. On the one hand, photography is here conceived as a tool that is capable of revealing, "of placing in the world" the elements, perceptions and happenings that underlie imbricated in the construction of a home. On the other hand, image is thought as an expression and communication media, as the universal language of our time (as far as it is known and used by all of us). In this precise moment of maximum interconnection between networks, data and cognitive layers; of speed and acceleration, this PhD Dissertation is conceived as a return to reflection; to the contemplation of object image, from the certainty of its need of time for talking. Therefore, this research from an ontological and phenomenological base; from the experience of the self who inhabits a determined and concrete environment, that of the western countries at the present, pursues to unveil the meaning and way of inhabiting of a common dweller and manifest what conforms the transformation of any house, of any inhabitant into a home. The first clues will arise from the analysis and hermeneutical reinterpretation of the Atlas of inhabiting; an assembled body of images of anonymous inhabitants houses, brought into life through a group of artist´s glance. Afterwards, we will test the analysis´s acquired knowledge, while extending the investigation to the feel of the common inhabitant (and no longer the expert^ artist) through the execution of three participative experiments conceived as qualitative field works. The results of both case study groups, will be compiled, organized and structured in a taxonomy of the inhabiting. This taxonomy is composed by forty seven parameters that explicitly state the complex nature of the XXI century home, regarded as a personal construct of every single inhabitant, as a process that happens through time and space and that entails the construction of the inhabitant. This wide taxonomy is organized regarding three spheres of the human being, In first place, those elements related to the way of “physically being” at home are expressed, including: the inhabitant its self, the house as architectural space and as materiality: objects, furniture, icons and symbols that fill the home. In second place, parameters related to the way of “perceiving“ are manifested; on the one hand, those that derive from what we see; on the other hand, those that derive from what we do not see, but feel. In third place, those factors deriving from the inhabitant as a home "creator/player" who is acting in the world and feeling the world while constructing it through a myriad of relationships he establishes with it. Finally, the investigation tries to reveal the synergies, connections and relations between all these elements extracted from the feelings of the common inhabitant, induced through the analysis and reinterpretation of the case studies, and therefore exposing a state of things belonging to western world at present.

The future of the national laboratories

The end of the Cold War has called into question the activities of the national laboratories and, more generally, the level of support now given to federal intramural research in the United States. This paper seeks to analyze the potential role of the laboratories, with particular attention to the possibility, on the one hand, of integrating private technology development into the laboratory’s menu of activities and, on the other hand, of outsourcing traditional mission activities. We review the economic efficiency arguments for intramural research and the political conditions that are likely to constrain the activities of the laboratories, and analyze the early history of programs intended to promote new technology via cooperative agreements between the laboratories and private industry. Our analysis suggests that the laboratories are likely to shrink considerably in size, and that the federal government faces a significant problem in deciding how to organize a downsizing of the federal research establishment.

Role Expectations and State Socialization: Germany's Rediscovery of the Use of Force 1990-1995

This dissertation engages the question of why German political elites accepted the use of force during the 1990s and started to commit the country's armed forces to multilateral peacekeeping missions. Previous governments of the Federal Republic had opposed foreign deployment of the military and Germany was characterized by a unique strategic culture in which the efficacy of military force was widely regarded as negative. The rediscovery of the use of force constituted a significant reorientation of German security policy with potentially profound implications for international relations. I use social role theory to explain Germany's security policy reorientation. I argue that political elites shared a national role conception of their country as a dependable and reliable ally. Role expectations of the international security environment changed as a result of a general shift to multilateral intervention as means to address emerging security problems after the Cold War. Germany's resistance to the use of force was viewed as inappropriate conduct for a power possessing the economic and military wherewithal of the Federal Republic. Elites from allied countries exerted social pressure to have Germany contribute commensurate with capabilities. German political elites adapted role behavior in response to external expectations in an effort to preserve the national role conception of a dependable and reliable ally. Security policy reorientation to maintain Germany's national role conception was pursued by conservative elites who acted as 'role entrepreneurs'. CDU/CSU politicians initiated a process of role adaptation to include the use of force for non-defensive missions. They persuaded Social Democrats and Alliance 90/Green party politicians that the maintenance of the country's role conception necessitated a reorientation in security policy to accommodate the changes in the security environment.

Use of Globalization Framework for K-12 Education Adams Five Star Schools, Thornton, Colorado

Many of the educational structures in public education today have their roots in the educational reforms of the industrial and Cold War eras. These educational structures served the United States well in a time of industrialization and two-state global superpowers. However, society has rapidly become more interconnected and globalized. K-12 education has not required that students develop the new skills and habits of mind needed for success in the twenty-first century. This study proposes three curricular and instructional changes to help students meet the needs of a global society in Adams Twelve Five-Star Schools located in Thornton, Colorado. These curricular and instructional reforms, while intended to address globalization, will also help the district stay competitive among local districts.

Narrativa digital e infancia. La generación de los creadores colaborativos

La naturaleza de los medios y lenguajes digitales ha posibilitado el desarrollo de diferentes técnicas que, en el canon del mundo analógico, se veían limitadas. Esta combinación ha originado, en los primeros años de vida del ser humano, nuevas formas de aprender envueltas en una nueva realidad. Las técnicas de creación que adquieren los niños en espacios alejados de cualquier currículo escolar, son desarrolladas gracias a su condición de ciudadanos de un contexto de sabios digitales; condición que trae intrínseco un conocimiento en el manejo tecnológico como de manera innata, convirtiendo la narrativa digital en el medio que ellos utilizan para aprender y comunicarse. Como consecuencia, en el modelo EMEREC más individualista se abre paso una generación de creadores colaborativos otorgando, por medio de la participación infantil, una mayor potencialidad a la ley de los tres tercios.

La nueva realidad sMOOC, una ventana abierta a la educomunicación

Los MOOC se han convertido en una nueva oportunidad para aprender en base a una comunidad de práctica o de aprendizaje; constituyen una alternativa cada vez más presente en la sociedad en que vivimos y son resultado, precisamente, del potencial de Internet en el ámbito de la comunicación y la interacción de las usuarias y usuarios, de la enorme facilidad de actualización del conocimiento que permite conseguir. Pero ¿todos los MOOC son un ámbito formativo educomunicativo? El modelo sMOOC se presenta como el único aspirante a ser fundamentado en esta corriente si se inspira en una intención educativa llevada a la acción como cambio social de las estructuras esclavizantes que condicionan nuestro mundo.

The NSA: the impact of the wiretapping scandal on German-American relations. OSW Commentary No. 124, 14.01.2014

Edward Snowden revealed that America’s National Security Agency (NSA) had tapped Chancellor Angela Merkel’s mobile phone and had collected date en masse. This has caused the largest crisis of confidence in relations between Germany and the US since the Iraq war. Due to the technological advantage which American intelligence services have, Germany wishes to continue close co-operation with the US but is making efforts to change the legal basis of this co-operation dating back to Cold War times. Berlin would like to secure part of provisions similar to the Five Eyes alliance – agreements signed between the US, the UK, Canada, New Zealand and Australia in the second half of the 1940s, aimed at intelligence sharing and a ban mutual bugging. This could spell the end of the last (not including the military presence) relic of Germany’s dependence on the US which emerged following World War II and took shape in the shadow of the Cold War. The process of Germany’s emancipation in trans-Atlantic relations, which began after Germany’s reunification, would be complete. The US is however opposed to such far-reaching changes as it is interested in continued co-operation with Germany without limiting it. Were it not to sign agreements satisfactory for Berlin, this would lead to a protracted crisis of confidence in German-American relations.

The Putin doctrine: The formation of a conceptual framework for Russian dominance in the post-Soviet area. OSW Commentary No. 131, 28.03.2014

The statements made in recent weeks by Russian officials, and especially President Vladimir Putin, in connection with Moscow’s policy towards Ukraine, may suggest that the emergence of a certain doctrine of Russian foreign and security policy is at hand, especially in relation to the post-Soviet area. Most of the arguments at the core of this doctrine are not new, but recently they have been formulated more openly and in more radical terms. Those arguments concern the role of Russia as the defender of Russian-speaking communities abroad and the guarantor of their rights, as well as specifically understood good neighbourly relations (meaning in fact limited sovereignty) as a precondition that must be met in order for Moscow to recognise the independence and territorial integrity of post-Soviet states. However, the new doctrine also includes arguments which have not been raised before, or have hitherto only been formulated on rare occasions, and which may indicate the future evolution of Russia’s policy. Specifically, this refers to Russia’s use of extralegal categories, such as national interest, truth and justice, to justify its policy, and its recognition of military force as a legitimate instrument to defend its compatriots abroad. This doctrine is effectively an outline of the conceptual foundation for Russian dominance in the post-Soviet area. It offers a justification for the efforts to restore the unity of the ‘Russian nation’ (or more broadly, the Russian-speaking community), within a bloc pursuing close integration (the Eurasian Economic Union), or even within a single state encompassing at least parts of that area. As such, it poses a challenge for the West, which Moscow sees as the main opponent of Russia’s plans to build a new order in Europe (Eurasia) that would undermine the post-Cold War order.

Sitting on the fence: Swedish defence policy and the Baltic Sea region. OSW Point of View Number 33, April 2013

Sweden finds itself in the midst of the most heated debates about defence policy and the direction of military reforms since the end of the Cold War, as Stockholm faces the challenge of finding a new military security formula. From the Swedish point of view, the post-Cold War strategic timeout in Europe is coming to an end. The international environment is reverting to a situation in which the use of force among states is no longer an improbable scenario. Stockholm cannot rule out the emergence of crises or conflicts in Northern Europe in the future, which could directly or indirectly affect Sweden. In this context, the transformations of Sweden’s defence policy over the past twenty years have become a problem. Sweden has moved from neutrality, i.e. non-involvement on any side of an armed interstate conflict, to non-alignment, whereby it stays outside military alliances and freely shapes its policies during wartime. It has joined the European Union and co-operates closely with NATO on foreign missions. Its ability to defend its own territory, however, has diminished.

Dialogue with the Eurasian Union on Ukraine – an opportunity or a trap? OSW COMMENTARY No. 154, 2014-12-01

The Eurasian Union (or, to give it its full name, the Eurasian Economic Union, EEU) is Russia's flagship project, by use of which it aims to institutionally subordinate the post-Soviet states to itself using political ties and the projected common economic space. The Kremlin has so far managed to persuade Belarus and Kazakhstan, and tentatively also Armenia, to join this integration project, which on the surface looks like a multilateral initiative but in reality conceals a network of bilateral relations centred on Russia. However, in order for Russia to reconstruct its influence in its neighbourhood permanently and without change, it is of key importance that Ukraine is incorporated into the EEU. That still seemed feasible even in 2013, but the Maidan and the Russian-Ukrainian war have undone this possibility. However, they also opened up an alternative scenario for Russia, one in which the Western states recognise the Eurasian Union as a legitimate partner in discussions about a new order in Europe with a view to restoring peace in Ukraine. It is worth taking into account the strategic consequences of that scenario. We need to consider if the idea which Moscow has been lobbying for – and which has found some supporters in Brussels and Berlin – threatens to take us back to the Cold War system of geopolitical blocs and implies recognition of Russia's dominance over Ukraine and the other Eastern Partnership countries?

Russia and Turkey - What does their partnership mean for the EU? EPC Policy Brief, 13 February 2015

Russia and Turkey have, over the past two decades, developed a very constructive relationship across a wide variety of policy areas. Imperial rivals during much of the Cold War, both countries have since then found common interests in matters of energy, trade and even defence. Besides their growing interdependence, it is hard not to notice the similarities between the two leaders of these countries, especially when it comes to the conspiracy mind-set of blaming dissent at home on foreign meddling. But does this mean that Turkey is fundamentally realigning its foreign policy strategy, away from the EU and towards Russia? And is the EU facing the emergence of an “axis of the excluded”? Not so according to Dimitar Bechev. In this Policy Brief, he argues that the ties between Russia and Turkey are driven by pragmatism and realpolitik. Contentious issues – such as the war in Syria - may be insulated from areas of overlapping interest, but deeper examination shows the glue holding the two countries together – their energy interdependence – is slowly weakening. Bechev believes the EU should take advantage of this divergence and try to (re-)anchor Turkey to its own initiatives and policies.

Neighbors and other realities: The Atlantic civilization and its enemies. ZEI Discussion Paper C228, 2015

2014 was a watershed year for the geopolitical positioning of the European Union. For the first time since the end of the Cold War, Europe is no longer exporting stability but has begun to import instability in an unprecedented way. The neighborhood policy needs a fundamental review as non-European actors pursue policy concepts and strategies that run counter to EU norms and interests. ZEI Director Prof. Dr. Ludger Kühnhardt argues that the values of the Atlantic civilization have come under pressure in a world which tends to be influenced by new conflicts or a secular nature.

Beyond Russia’s ‘Versailles syndrome’. Egmont Security Policy Brief No. 58, November 2014

Russia alleges that at the end of the Cold War it underwent a soft version of a Versailles Treaty, pushing it into the periphery of global politics and cutting it out of European decision-making. The crisis in Ukraine is about the survival of Putin’s regime and the dismantling of the post-Cold War settlement. We should not accept the fallacious narrative of victimhood propagated by the Kremlin’s Versailles syndrome. Even so, it is time to explore practical ways of coexisting with Russia. The Helsinki Process and the disarmament and arms control agreements of the Cold War could serve as a model for a mutually acceptable security architecture.

The Re-emergence of Russia and its Collision Course with Europe. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 4, March 2014

From the Introduction. In order to understand the historical roots of the current geopolitical confrontation between the EU and Russia, we have to go back to the end of the Cold War and to the catastrophic decade that it was followed by in Russian history. The dissolution of the USSR imposed serious economic hardship for Russia and for all the ex-communist East-European states. Russia was the hardest hit amongst them, as the center of the USSR's economic system it suffered most from the dissolution of regional economic ties. This crisis was just deepened by the IMF's privatization and reform campaign, which imposed austerity measures and state-asset privatization as a “shock-therapy” answer to the country's economic problems. This policy package did nothing to save Russia from economic collapse (which eventually happened in 1998), the only thing it achieved was an even stronger social and economic crisis and the enrichment of the rent-seeking ex-communist top bureaucrats by state-assets, which were sold out under-priced through diverse channels of corruption

Transatlantic Conflict and Cooperation Concerning Trade Issues. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 13, July 2014

From the Introduction. Transatlantic relations have undergone significant changes within the past twenty-five years. During the Cold War era, the United States and Western Europe were bound together by a perceived common threat from the Soviet Union. Consequently, economic issues commanded less attention than security issues. After the Cold War ended, economic issues were thought to be the glue that would hold the transatlantic relationship together. Much attention was given for several years to fostering economic cooperation through the development of intergovernmental initiatives. After the terrorist incidents of September 11, 2001 in the United States, and the subsequent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, security issues again came to the forefront of the relationship. However, in contrast to the earlier era that was mainly characterized by close cooperation, disagreements between the United States and major countries of Western Europe about how to deal with the terrorist threat created severe strains in the relationship. By 2003, the third year of the George W Bush administration, transatlantic political relations had reached perhaps their lowest point since World War II. They have gradually improved since then, but with a significant setback from Wikileaks revelations, and even more serious strains resulting from the revelations by Edward Snowden concerning United States surveillance activities. Security issues have come to the forefront also in connection with regional unrest in the Middle East, EU nations’ dependence on Russian oil and gas, and Russian intrusions into Ukraine.