Modelo tipo de dermatite atópica em rato

A dermatite atópica (DA) é um tema importante na dermatologia clínica. Na verdade, a patogénese dessa doença inflamatória crónica da pele, caracterizada principalmente por pele seca e prurido, ainda está longe de ser totalmente compreendida. A fim de saber mais acerca desta complexa doença, ratos Wistar machos e adultos (n = 10) foram utilizados como modelo animal, nos quais o tratamento com acetona (AA) foi comparado com o tratamento com água por 3 dias (AW). No dia 3, uma hora após o último tratamento, a AA mostrou maior perda transepidérmica de água (TEWL), fluxo sanguíneo capilar e reduzida hidratação quando comparada com AW. A análise comportamental mostrou que a acção de coçar foi marcadamente mais frequente no grupo AA (n = 5) quando comparado ao grupo AW (n = 5). Estes resultados justificam a implementação deste modelo animal como uma ferramenta experimental para investigação da AD.

Differential effects of TR ligands on hormone dissociation rates: Evidence for multiple ligand entry/exit pathways

Some nuclear receptor (NR) ligands promote dissociation of radiolabeled bound hormone from the buried ligand binding cavity (LBC) more rapidly than excess unlabeled hormone itself This result was interpreted to mean that challenger ligands bind allosteric sites on the LBD to induce hormone dissociation, and recent findings indicate that ligands bind weakly to multiple sites on the LBD surface. Here we show, that a large fraction of thyroid hormone receptor (TR) ligands promote rapid dissociation (T(1/2) < 2 h) of , radiolabeled T(3) vs. T(3) (T(1/2), approximate to 5-7 h). We cannot discern relationships between this effect and ligand size, activity or affinity for TR beta. One ligand, GC-24, binds the TR LBC and (weakly) to the TR beta-LBD surface that mediates dimer/heterodimer interaction, but we cannot link this interaction to rapid T(3) dissociation. Instead, several lines of evidence suggest that the challenger ligand must interact with the buried LBC to promote rapid T(3) release. Since previous molecular dynamics simulations suggest that TR ligands leave the LBC by several routes, we propose that a subset of challenger ligands binds and stabilizes a partially unfolded intermediate state of TR that arises during T(3) release and that this effect enhances hormone dissociation. (C) 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Candidate Quality and Voter Response in U.S. House Elections

We propose and test the implications of a two-dimensional concept of candidate quality in U.S. House elections. Strategic quality is composed of the skills and resources necessary to wage an effective campaign; personal quality is composed of the characteristics most ordinary citizens value in their leaders and representatives, such as personal integrity and dedication to public service. We employ district informants in studies of the 1998 and 2002 congressional elections to measure these qualities in candidates, and we merge mass survey data with the district informant indicators to assess constituents’ awareness and evaluation of House candidates, and voting choice. We find that awareness tends to be responsive to candidates’ strategic quality, and that incumbent evaluation is remarkably responsive to variation in personal quality, even taking into account the quality of challenger emergence. These and other findings appear to support a more positive view of citizen capacity than is common in the congressional elections literature, especially in light of the electoral security of House incumbents.

Incumbency Reconsidered: Prospects, Strategic Entry, and Incumbent Quality in U.S. House Elections

Efforts to estimate the magnitude of the incumbency effect in U.S. House elections and assess its political meaning have been complicated by two omitted-variables problems. First, in the absence of an adequate measure of incumbent prospects, estimates of the magnitude of the incumbency effect fail to control for selection effects associated with the decision incumbents make about whether to run for reelection. Strategic incumbents enter races they think they can win and withdraw when they expect to lose. The consequence is an upward bias in estimates of incumbents’ electoral advantages. Second, the normative implications of high reelection rates cannot be assessed without measuring incumbent quality, since a possible explanation for their electoral success is that incumbents are of high quality and doing a good job. We propose a strategy for measuring incumbent prospects and quality, demonstrate the strategic nature of incumbent and challenger entry, re-estimate the incumbency effect, and show that incumbent quality has an impact on electoral outcomes. Our conclusion is that incumbents’ advantages in House elections have been over estimated while the positive basis of incumbent safety is typically under appreciated.

A dinâmica da organização interna da mesa diretoria e comissões da assembléia do estado do Rio de Janeiro

A globalização do capitalismo joga indivíduo em um mundo de controvérsias, quase de crise existencial, já que oscila entre sonho de satisfazer todos os seus desejos realidade de não poder realizá-los. globalização que interessa são as ressacas emocionais do indivíduo, que distancia da razão, do equilíbrio entre poder querer torna um compulsivo do consumo. processo de massificação homogeneização cultural, que não apenas gera vícios consumistas nos indivíduos, como também os impede de participarem politicamente. Politicamente, uma primeira fase da globalização caracterizada pela égide das monarquias absolutistas que concentram enorme poder mobilizam os recursos econômicos, militares burocráticos, para manterem expandirem seus impérios coloniais. Os principais desafios que enfrentam advinham das rivalidades entre elas, seja pelas disputas dinástico-territoriais ou pela posse de novas colônias no além do mar. Politicamente globalização recente caracteriza-se pela crescente adoção de regimes em procura de uma democracia mais ampla participativa participação política, portanto, exigência básica para que indivíduo supere as barreiras impostas pela globalização consiga desenvolver ações de cidadania dentro da própria sociedade global. Nesse sentido, necessário encurtar distanciamento entre as formas institucionais existentes, sejam jurídicas ou políticas, real possibilidade de reconhecer nas leis, nas instituições, as suas próprias leis seu próprio poder.

Efeito da eleição do candidato da oposição sobre a apresentação e aprovação de projetos do prefeito na Câmara

Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o efeito de se eleger um candidato da oposição em eleições municipais sobre a apresentação e aprovação de projetos do prefeito então eleito na câmara de vereadores, no ano subsequente. Tal questão diz respeito à vantagem, para os munícipes, de optar pela alternância de poder em detrimento da reeleição, bem como à relação entre o novo representante do executivo e os vereadores. Dialoga-se, assim, com uma literatura político-eleitoral pródiga na análise dos fatores que favorecem a reeleição, mas que pouco se debruçou sobre as consequências futuras da alternância de poder. Igualmente, contribui-se com um embasamento econométrico para as discussões fomentadas a nível teórico a respeito das relações entre os poderes no município. A metodologia empregada se baseia na técnica de regressões descontínuas ou RDD para tratamento quase-experimental dos dados coletados no TSE e no Censo Legislativo de 2005. A partir da análise dos dados, e com significância moderada, argumenta-se que quando o prefeito eleito é da oposição ele tende a apresentar menos projetos à câmara em seu primeiro ano de mandato, mas recebe acolhida proporcionalmente mais favorável por parte dos vereadores.

A Theory of voter experimentation in repeated elections

Nesse artigo, eu desenvolvo e analiso um modelo de dois perí odos em que dois polí ticos competem pela preferência de um eleitor representativo, que sabe quão benevolente é um dos polí ticos mas é imperfeitamente informado sobre quão benevolente é o segundo polí tico. O polí tico conhecido é interpretado como um incumbente de longo prazo, ao passo que o polí tico desconhecido é interpretado como um desa fiante menos conhecido. É estabelecido que o mecanismo de provisão de incentivos inerente às elei cões - que surge através da possibilidade de não reeleger um incumbente - e considerações acerca de aquisi cão de informa cão por parte do eleitor se combinam de modo a determinar que em qualquer equilí brio desse jogo o eleitor escolhe o polí tico desconhecido no per íodo inicial do modelo - uma a cão à qual me refi ro como experimenta cão -, fornecendo assim uma racionaliza cão para a não reelei cão de incumbentes longevos. Especifi camente, eu mostro que a decisão do eleitor quanto a quem eleger no per odo inicial se reduz à compara cão entre os benefí cios informacionais de escolher o polí tico desconhecido e as perdas econômicas de fazê-lo. Os primeiros, que capturam as considera cões relacionadas à aquisi cão de informa cão, são mostrados serem sempre positivos, ao passo que as últimas, que capturam o incentivo à boa performance, são sempre não-negativas, implicando que é sempre ótimo para o eleitor escolher o polí tico desconhecido no per íodo inicial.

The BRICS: some historical experiences, growth challenges and opportunities

The acronym BRICS was a fad among the media and global investors. Now, the acronym sounds passé. However, the group of countries remains important, from both political and economic reasons. They have a large aggregate size, 28% of the global GDP and 42% of the world’s population, high growth potential due to the current significant misallocation of resources and relatively low stock of human capital, structural transformation is in progress and one of them, China, is taking steps to become a global power and a challenger to the US dominance. This paper provides a brief overview of the five economies, Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. We focus on some aspects of their history, the Chinese initiatives in international finance and geopolitical strategic moves, their growth experience and structural transformation over the last 35 years, trade and investment integration into the global economy and among themselves, the growth challenges faced by their economies and the potential gains to the Brazilian economy from a stronger integration with the other BRICS. In association with its efforts to be a global power, China aims to become a major player in global finance and to achieve the status of global currency for the renminbi, which would be the first currency of an emerging economy to attain such position. Despite the similarities, the BRICS encompass very diverse economies. In the recent decades, China and India showed stellar growth rates. On the other hand, Brazil, Russia and South Africa have expanded just in line with global output growth with the Russian economy exhibiting high volatility. China is by far the largest economy, and South Africa the smallest, the only BRICS economy with a GDP lower than US$ 1 trillion. Russia abandoned communism almost 25 years ago, but reversed many of the privatizations of 90’s. China is still ruled by communism, but has a vibrant private sector and recently has officially declared market forces to play a dominant role in its economy. Brazil, Russia and South Africa are global natural resources powerhouses and commodity exporters while China and India are large commodity importers. Brazil is relatively closed to international trade of goods and services, in marked contrast to the other four economies. Brazil, India and South Africa are dependent on external capital flows whereas China and Russia are capital exporters. India and South Africa have younger populations and a large portion living below the poverty line. Despite its extraordinary growth experience that lifted many millions from poverty, China still has 28% of its population classified as poor. Russia and China have much older populations and one of their challenges is to deal with the effects of a declining labor force in the near future. India, China and South Africa face a long way to urbanization, while Brazil and Russia are already urbanized countries. China is an industrial economy but its primary sector still absorbs a large pool of workers. India is not, but the primary sector employs also a large share of the labor force. China’s aggregate demand structure is biased towards investment that has been driving its expansion. Brazil and South Africa have an aggregate demand structure similar to the developed economies, with private consumption accounting for approximately 70%. The same similarity applies to the supply side, as in both economies the share of services nears 70%. The development problem is a productivity problem, so microeconomic reforms are badly needed to foster long-term growth of the BRICS economies since they have lost steam due a variety of factors, but fundamentally due to slower total factor productivity growth. China and India are implementing ambitious reform programs, while Brazil is dealing with macroeconomic disequilibria. Russia and South Africa remain mute about structural reforms. There are some potential benefits to Brazil to be extracted from a greater economic integration with the BRICS, particularly in natural resources intensive industries and services. Necessary conditions to the materialization of those gains are the removal of the several sources of resource misallocation and strong investment in human capital.

Proteínas séricas de potros da raça Puro Sangue Árabe recém-desmamados ou com mais de trinta dias de desmame

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Correlações entre estrutura e propriedades de condução iônica em materiais híbridos siloxano-poli (propileno óxido), dopados com sais de sódio e potássio

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Posicionamento por ponto preciso com solução de ambiguidades inteiras no contexto de rede GPS

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Droides submarinos, las nuevas fronteras de la exploración del océano. Premio RU Cool (Rutgers University) a la innovación tecnológica en oceanografía 2013

[ES] La Universidad de Rutgers y la Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, a través de su Estación de Oceanografía Espacial SEAS Canarias que dirige el Dr. Antonio González Ramos, han colaborado en cinco proyectos de recogida de datos oceánicos desarrollados en el 2008 y el 2013. Estos proyectos son considerados hitos científicos al usar minisubmarinos no tripulados que han batido récords de distancia y tiempo en el agua nunca antes conseguidos. El Dr. González Ramos (Facultad de Ciencias del Mar) recibió el premio en una gala en esta universidad norteamericana, celebrada con motivo del 20 aniversario de su Instituto de Ciencias Marinas y Costeras (RU COOL). González Ramos desarrolló la herramienta Pinzon4D, un sistema de predicción que permite mostrar predicciones de las corrientes oceánicas de 0 a 1000 metros para el mismo día, así como una predicción de tres días, a través de la aplicación Google Earth. La novedad y utilidad de esta herramienta han hecho que se convierta en el protocolo del pilotaje para las dos misiones globales actuales. La herramienta Pinzon-4D se presentará como parte de la Challenger Mission en la próxima sesión plenaria de la Comisión Oceanográfica Internacional (UNESCO). El equipo de trabajo considera que el éxito de este tipo de proyectos radica en tres pilares: la innovación tecnológica, la cooperación internacional y la visibilidad de la información

The Incumbent Spending Puzzle

Objective This article seeks to explain the puzzle of why incumbents spend so much on campaigns despite most research finding that their spending has almost no effect on voters. Methods The article uses ordinary least squares, instrumental variables, and fixed-effects regression to estimate the impact of incumbent spending on election outcomes. The estimation includes an interaction term between incumbent and challenger spending to allow the effect of incumbent spending to depend on the level of challenger spending. Results The estimation provides strong evidence that spending by the incumbent has a larger positive impact on votes received the more money the challenger spends. Conclusion Campaign spending by incumbents is most valuable in the races where the incumbent faces a serious challenge. Raising large sums of money to be used in close races is thus a rational choice by incumbents.

Firing Up the Crucible with Senator Lee Metcalf & Governor Forrest Anderson -- Judge Gordon Bennett in “The Crucible of Change”

During the lead-up to Montana second progressive era, Lee Metcalf and Forrest Anderson, along with others, kept the progressive flame lit in Montana. Metcalf’s political history is replete with close electoral wins because of his commitment to progressive ideals when the times were not always politically favorable for that. As State Legislator, MT Supreme Court Justice, Congressman and eventually as US Senator, Lee won races by as little as 55 votes because he stuck to his guns as a progressive. In Forrest Anderson’s career as a County Attorney, State Legislator, MT Supreme Court Justice and 12 years as MT Attorney General he was respected as a pragmatic practitioner of politics. But during that entire career leading up to his election as Governor, Forrest Anderson was also a stalwart supporter of the progressive agenda exemplified by FDR and the New Deal, which brought folks out of the Great Depression that was brought on by the bad policies of the GOP and big business. As MT’s second progressive period began in 1965, the first important election was Senator Metcalf’s successful re-election battle in 1966 with the sitting MT Governor, Tim Babcock. And the progressive express was really ignited by the election of Forrest Anderson as Governor in 1968 after 16 years of Republican Governors in MT. Gordon Bennett played a rather unique role, being a confidant of Metcalf and Anderson, both who respected his wide and varied experience, his intellect, and his roots in progressivism beginning with his formative years in the Red Corner of NE Montana. Working with Senator Metcalf and his team, including Brit Englund, Vic Reinemer, Peggy McLaughlin, Betty Davis and Jack Condon among others, Bennett helped shape the progressive message both in Washington DC and MT. Progressive labor and farm organizations, part of the progressive coalition, benefitted from Bennett’s advice and counsel and aided the Senator in his career including the huge challenge of having a sitting popular governor run against him for the Senate in 1966. Metcalf’s noted intern program produced a cadre of progressive leaders in Montana over the years. Most notably, Ron Richards transitioned from Metcalf Intern to Executive Secretary of the Montana Democratic Party (MDP) and assisted, along with Bennett, in the 1966 Metcalf-Babcock race in a big way. As Executive Secretary Richards was critical to the success of the MDP as a platform for Forrest Anderson’s general election run and win in 1968. After Forrest’s gubernatorial election, Richards became Executive Assistant (now called Chief of Staff) for Governor Anderson and also for Governor Thomas Judge. The Metcalf progressive strain, exemplified by many including Richards and Bennett, permeated Democratic politics during the second progressive era. So, too, did the coalition that supported Metcalf and his policies. The progressivism of the period of “In the Crucible of Change” was fired up by Lee Metcalf, Forrest Anderson and their supporters and coalitions, and Gordon Bennett was in the center of all of that, helping fire up the crucible, setting the stage for many policy advancements in both Washington DC and Montana. Gordon Bennett’s important role in the 1966 re-election of Senator Lee Metcalf and the 1968 election of Governor Forrest Anderson, as well as his wide experience in government and politics of that time allows him to provide us with an insider’s personal perspective of those races and other events at the beginning of the period of progressive change being documented “In the Crucible of Change,” as well as his personal insights into the larger political/policy picture of Montana. Gordon Bennett, a major and formative player “In the Crucible of Change,” was born in the far northeast town of Scobey, MT in 1922. He attended school in Scobey through the eighth grade and graduated from Helena High School. After attending Carroll College for two years, he received his BA in economics from Carleton College in Northfield, MN. During a brief stint on the east coast, his daily reading of the New York Times (“best newspaper in the world at that time … and now”) inspired him to pursue a career in journalism. He received his MA in Journalism from the University of Missouri and entered the field. As a reporter for the Great Falls Tribune under the ownership and management of the Warden Family, he observed and competed with the rigid control of Montana’s press by the Anaconda Company (the Great Falls Tribune was the only large newspaper in Montana NOT owned by ACM). Following his intellectual curiosity and his philosophical bend, he attended a number of Farm-Labor Institutes which he credits with motivating him to pursue solutions to economic and social woes through the law. In 1956, at the age of 34, he received his Juris Doctorate degree from the Georgetown University Law Center in Washington, DC. Bennett’s varied career included eighteen years as a farmer, four years in the US Army during WWII (1942-46), two years as Assistant MT Attorney General (1957-59) with Forrest Anderson, three years in private practice in Glasgow (1959-61), two years as Associate Solicitor in the Department of Interior in Washington, DC (1961-62), and private law practice in Helena from 1962 to 1969. While in Helena he was an unsuccessful candidate for the Montana Supreme Court (1962) and cemented his previous relationships with Attorney General Forrest Anderson and US Senator Lee Metcalf. Bennett modestly refuses to accept the title of Campaign Manager for either Lee Metcalf (1966 re-election over the challenger, MT Republican Governor Tim Babcock) or Forrest Anderson (his 1968 election as Governor), saying that “they ran their campaigns … we were only there to help.” But he has been generally recognized as having filled that critical role in both of those critical elections. After Governor Anderson’s election in 1968, Bennett was appointed Director of the MT Unemployment Compensation Commission, a position from where he could be a close advisor and confidant of the new Governor. In 1971, Governor Anderson appointed him Judge in the most important jurisdiction in Montana, the 1st Judicial District in Helena, a position he held for seventeen years (1971-88). Upon stepping down from his judgeship, for twenty years (1988-2008) he was a law instructor, mediator and arbitrator. He currently resides in Helena with his wife, Norma Tirrell, former newspaper reporter and researcher/writer. Bennett has two adult children and four grandchildren.