996 resultados para Augsburg (Germany) Gymnasium zu St. Anna (Church)


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3 October 2010 marked the twentieth anniversary of the reunification of the two German states. This is an occasion for summing up and evaluating the changes which have taken place in Germany since 1990. Germany became reunited through the incorporation of the East German federal states to the then Federal Republic of Germany. The West German point of view is predominant in public discourse regarding this issue, which is manifested through grading the new federal states for their progress in assimilation to the western part of Germany. However, this way the positive changes which have taken place in the social, political and economic areas in the eastern federal states over the past two decades are often disregarded. This paper is an attempt to show the changes which have taken place in Germany, involving areas in which new federal states have outperformed the western part of the country.

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The German government’s final decision to abandon nuclear power as of 2022 has been expected for months. However, instead of calming the waters, providing solutions and answering the question ‘What next?’, it has only fanned the flames. Even the adoption of legal amendments enforcing the government’s decision by the German parliament (both the Bundestag and the Bundesrat) in late June and early July has not calmed the situation. It is more than apparent that these decisions have been made under emotional pressure: there was not enough time for accurate calculations to be made and consideration to be given to the consequences of Germany abandoning nuclear power. Chancellor Angela Merkel has so far been unable to fully convince the public that the ‘energy shift is a huge opportunity’ and that this process will be carried out on condition that ‘the supplies remain secure, the climate protected and the whole process economically efficient’1. German economic associations have warned against a politically motivated, ill-judged and irreversible abandonment of nuclear energy. They are anxious about an increase in electricity prices, the instability of supplies and environmental damage. The government believes, however, that green technologies will become a new driving force for the German economy and its main export commodity. Before that happens the industry will have to increase its use of electricity produced from fossil fuels, mainly natural gas imported from Russia. This may be exploited by Gazprom which will try to strengthen its position on the German market, and thus in the entire EU.

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One year after the events of Fukushima the implementation of the new German energy strategy adopted in the summer of 2011 is being verified. Business circles, experts and publicists are sounding the alarm. The tempo at which the German economy is being rearranged in order that it uses renewable energy sources is so that it has turned out to be an extremely difficult and expensive task. The implementation of the key guidelines of the new strategy, such as the development of the transmission networks and the construction of new conventional power plants, is meeting increasing resistance in the form of economic and legal difficulties. The development of the green technologies sector is also posing problems. The solar energy industry, for example, is excessively subsidised, whereas the subsidies for the construction of maritime wind farms are too low. At present, only those guidelines of the strategy which are evaluated as economically feasible by investors or which receive adequate financial support from the state have a chance of being carried through. The strategy may also turn out to be unsuccessful due to the lack of a comprehensive coordination of its implementation and the financial burden its introduction entails for both the public and the economy. In the immediate future, the German government will make efforts not only to revise its internal regulations in order to enable the realisation of the energy transformation; it is also likely to undertake a number of measures at the EU forum which will facilitate this realisation. One should expect that the German government will actively support the financing of both the development of the energy networks in EU member states and the development of renewable energy sources in the energy sector.

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Since the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, profound changes in Germany’s thinking about Russia, its political elite and foreign policy, can be observed. The trust most German politicians had in their former strategic partner has now lessened. At the same time, Germany has been particularly involved in the process of resolving the conflict, which was demonstrated by the intensive diplomatic actions it undertook. When these failed, Chancellor Angela Merkel did not hesitate to force through the introduction and maintenance of economic sanctions. At the same time, however, this evolution in Germany’s thinking about Russia has not translated into any change in the two basic assumptions of the German attitude towards a possible solution to the conflict. First, Germany supports the concept of ‘strategic patience’ in politics in the context of Russia’s aggression. Second, it is convinced that Europe is fated to cooperate with the Russian Federation, and Europe’s welfare and security are only possible with Russia as a partner in cooperation, not against it or without it. Therefore, in the immediate future no radical change in Germany’s policy as pursued so far should be expected. This provokes questions concerning not only the effectiveness of Berlin’s current actions, but also – in a broader sense – Germany’s ability to negotiate and achieve real, political solutions to the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, reaching beyond (another) ceasefire. The Minsk agreements of 12 February can be considered a success worthy of a humanitarian mission carried out in the hope of reducing the number of casualties. However, the political mission undertaken by Chancellor Merkel and Foreign Minister Steinmeier aimed at “ensuring Europe’s security order”[1] has so far resulted in the sense of helplessness and frustration which have recently dominated Germany’s policy towards Russia[2].

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In ganz Norddeutschland werden bei jeder tieferen Bohrung bis zu mehrere 100 m maechtige Schichten des Diluviums durchbohrt, die aus scheinbar voellig unregelmäßigen Folgen von Sand, Kies und Geschiebemergel bestehen. Diese Absätze lassen sich in den meisten Fällen mit den bisherigen Methoden nicht weiter untergliedern. Aus besonders günstigen Aufschlüssen und Profilen ist bekannt, daß mindestens drei Vereisungen während des Diluviums über das norddeutsche Flachland hinweggegangen sind. Wenn in den Bohrungen nicht zufällig sichere Interglazialschichten auftreten, was äußerst selten der Fall ist, so ist es also im allgemeinen nicht möglich, das erbohrte Diluvium auf die drei bekannten Vereisungen aufzuteilen. Es besteht für Tagesaufschlüsse im Diluvium durch die Geschiebezählmethode nach Milthers, Heesemann u. a. wenigstens eine Möglichkeit, stratigraphische Einordnungen vorzunehmen. Arbeitsmethoden und Ergebnisse der Geschiebezählmethode sollen hier jedoch nicht näher besprochen werden. Dreimanis 1936 gibt eine Methode an, um aus Bohrproben durch Zählungen der Mineralkörner der Grobsand- und Feinkiesfraktionen Anhaltspunkte für vergleichende stratigraphische Untersuchungen zu gewinnen.

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Bereits im Jahre 1956 wurde bei Baugrund-Aufschlußbohrungen für das zweite Kurmittelhaus in Bad Bramstedt bei einer Serie von 11 Bohrungen - ausgeführt durch die Firma Fritz Eising K. G. in Hamburg - in drei benachbart gelegenen Bohrpunkten an der südlichen Ecke des Gebäudes in einer Teufe von ca. 10 m u. T. eine offensichtlich organogene Schicht von ca. 2 m Mächtigkeit erbohrt. Eines dieser Bohrprofile hat folgenden Aufbau: -5,8 m Fein-Mittelsand, -7,7 m Mittelsand, Fein-Mittelkies, -10,0 m Mittelsand, wenig Kies, -12,0 m Gyttja, -15,0 m Mittelsand, Grobsand. Die bereits wiedergegebene Teufenangabe ist insofern recht interessant, als im Jahre 1966 bei der Brücke über die Bramau bei Hitzhusen, demnach in der Talaue der Bramau in einer Teufe von 8,55 m ebenfalls eine Gyttja erbohrt wurde. Die Tiefenlagen beider Vorkommen scheinen sich demnach relativ zu entsprechen. Das gesamte Profil bei Hitzhusen ist in einigen Punkten abweichend ausgebildet und enthält vor allem noch ein zweites Gyttja-Band in 11,25 m Teufe. Im Einzelnen wurde hier durch die Bohrfirma Paul Hammers A. G., Hamburg, diese Schichtfolge angetroffen: -1.55 m Fein-Mittelsand, Humus, -3,10 m Mittel-Grobsand, Kies, Steine, etwas Lehm, -4,50 m Mittel-Grobsand, -7,20 m Mittel-Grobsand, Kies, -8,00 m Grobsand, -8,55 m Grobsand, Kies, -8,65 m Schluff-Gyttja, -9,70 m Fein-Grobsand, -10,25 m Mittel-Grobsand, Kies, -10,75 m Mittel-Grobsand, -11,25 m Mittel-Grobsand, Schluffstreifen, -11,40 m Schluff-Gyttja, -12,10 m Mittelsand, -12,30 m Mittel-Grobsand, Kies, -17,85 m Geschiebemergel. Die gewonnenen Proben der Schluff-Gyttjen wurden näher untersucht. Da es sich in beiden Fällen um geringmächtige Lagen handelt (0,1 m resp. 0,15 m), und das Material durchaus als stark feinsandig bis schluffig zu bezeichnen ist (das spricht für eine wesentlich schnellere Sedimentation, als die einer reinen biogenen Gyttja), ist der Effekt einer 'Mischprobe' weitgehend ausgeschlossen. Außerdem lagen die Proben - obgleich wahrscheinlich mit einem Ventilbohrer gefördert - als relativ ungestrte Brocken mit erhaltengebliebener Feinschichtung vor. Auf den Schichtflächen waren gröbere Pflanzenreste erkennbar (in der Tabelle angegeben). Der sehr hohe mineralische Anteil läßt zunächst den Verdacht auf sekundären Pollen aufkommen. Keines der beiden pollenanalytisch ermittelten Vegetationsbilder liefert dagegen irgendeine Besttigung hierfür.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Cover title.

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Preface signed: J.H. Mordtmann.