887 resultados para Anita Spinelli


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The relation between State and civil society is not a very recent discussion, but it does not mean that debate is exhausted, since is in the historical context that the novelty is seized. Thinking like this, we may analyze how the relation between state and civil society happened in Acre during the decade of 1970. But, to understand how this relation is established in faraway Acre, we have available to the reader historical analyses, in a tireless attempt to clarify minimally aspects that characterize acreana society. To do this, we take on as a departure point, in general not differentiating of the given structure at national level, the conformation of this society was guided in a passive revolution, in another way, by high transformismo, relegating to the civil society, which is incipient, pífia a simple participation in the hegemonic policy direction. All this brings us to the thought that both state bureaucracy structure and the civil society organization, were influenced decisively for a traditional political elite. In addition, we begin the work with the lifting bibliographic reference searching and then we analyze the empirical reality, such as newspapers, official media publications and private, a few documents and last, interviews with political actors associated with the process consolidation of civil society in the 1970 decade. The interviewees were selected, firstly for their location in the region, and for their outstanding contribution to the consolidating process of recent Acre history. Thus, the interviews followed up on a semi-structured way, leading up, also, for the informations that the interviewees would have to pass on. The systematization and analysis of these surveys have shown us that, in the period before of the Acre Federal State lifting had, of course, a transformismo by high, but at 1970decade, the society with a more heterogeneous social formation, is not allowed, or at least, organize itself, to counter a systematic imposition. Thus, the hegemonic area of dispute between State and civil society occurs from the "reconciliation" with the adoption of public policies that amenizasse the dispute between both spheres, and to build up some bodies, settling a acreana civil society.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

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Esta dissertação é um estudo sobre as representações e práticas sociais relativas à construção da conjugalidade homoafetiva e o direito de reconhecimento. Nesse contexto, são analisados os embates ideológicos decorrentes das tentativas de redefinição das representações e práticas sociais relativas à família e a conjugalidade, em sua feição heterocêntrica, a partir das disputas em torno do reconhecimento social e jurídico das uniões homoafetivas, desencadeadas no contexto da sociedade brasileira, a partir da apresentação, no Congresso Nacional, do Projeto de Lei n° 1.151/95, da Deputada Marta Suplicy, que disciplina a união civil entre pessoas do mesmo sexo

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This research aims to investigate the effectiveness of the legal labor phenomenon in contemporary capitalism as rectifier element of the contradictions between capital and labor. From the analysis of legislative developments - state and business - and court decisions related to the category of freight transport is expected to determine the protectionist stiffness proclaimed by the institutional structure of labor in Brazil, considered by the hegemonic discourse as political-economic factor that prevents growth. It is intended to unravel the relationships between political and civil society, studying the internal contradictions and ideological influence among these spaces, with theoretical support in Marx and Gramsci. The function of this research is to test the premise that the protectionist discourse is a rational action of capitalism and the organic intellectuals of political society in order to achieve hegemony and hide the real contradictions between capital and labor, in addition to also assist in the discussion on deregulation and easing in Brazil. The analysis points to the confirmation of our premise, since the evolution of the legal phenomenon in the transport sector was charging toward the neoliberal project

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Se parte de la comprensión de Universidad como un campo científico que permite elecciones, conflictos y luchas internas y externas, en sus dimensiones históricas y temporales, proponiéndose comprenderla en su naturaleza institucional. Históricamente, la universidad viene respondiendo a demandas de la sociedad, configurándose en momentos de crisis de institucionalidad, de hegemonía y de legitimidad. Tales crisis profundizase en el contexto de la globalización hegemónica, pero, al lado de esta, emergen experiencias en el campo de la globalización alternativa. De ello adviene los siguientes desafíos: considerados en este trabajo como cuestiones a contestar: ¿cómo la Universidad pública brasileña podrá actuar en una perspectiva de formación ciudadana, interagiendo con la sociedad en la cual está inserida? ¿Cómo poderemos vislumbrar caminos alternativos para la universidad enfrentar desafíos y para conquistar a su legitimidad? Se discute la extensión universitaria como una de las alternativas para que tales universidades enfrenten sus crisis y desafíos, a la medida en que posibilita el diálogo con la sociedad en su entorno, promoviendo la formación ciudadana. Se tiene como objetivo comprender e interpretar la extensión universitaria en su práctica efectiva en las comunidades en las que las experiencias fueron desarrolladas, analizándose dos prácticas de extensión universitaria en la Universidad Federal del Rio Grande do Norte y en la Universidad Federal de Bahia, a través de la interpretación de la participación de profesores, alumnos y comunidad en dos programas: Saúde e Cidadania (SACI/UFRN), y Atividade Curricular em Comunidade (ACC/UFBA), en el período de 2001 a 2005. Se busca en el diálogo con los participantes envueltos, conocer las experiencias y como estas contribuyen para la compresión de universidad con sus funciones direccionadas para la formación ciudadana. Como procedimientos metodológicos, se hace un análisis de la documentación de las experiencias, complementadas por entrevistas sémi-estructuradas, envolviendo 51 sujetos en los dos programas, para aprehender a la historia y comprender la participación de los alumnos, profesores e integrantes de las comunidades, en Natal/RN y Salvador/BA. Para presentación de las voces de los participantes, se cría diálogos temáticos, mapeando expresiones que surgieron en el habla de los Pro- Rectores de Extensión y Pro-Rector de Graduación, alumnos, profesores y participantes de las comunidades envueltas, identificándolas en movimientos creativos y llenos de significados, entre ellas: vivencia y acción; interacción y diálogo; identidad y práctica solidaria; generosidad y responsabilidad; ciudadanía y condición humana; saber contextual y crítico. Estas prácticas y sentimientos traducen bien la participación de los sujetos envueltos, dialogando sobre la compresión de Universidad y extensión universitaria direccionada para la formación ciudadana. Se concluye que estas experiencias contribuyen para pensar una Universidad actuante, dialogando con los intereses de la comunidad, sin perder su autonomía, formando profesionales responsables, solidarios y ciudadanos, actuando en la construcción de un conocimiento que pueda contribuir en la superación de la crisis de legitimidad desarrollando experiencias inseridas en la globalización alternativa, contra-hegemónica, ya que contemplan acciones para la superación de las desigualdades sociales, en la lucha por la emancipación social de los sujetos participantes

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Esta investigación tiene como objetivo realizar un estudio sobre el noticiero "Jornal do Dia" de la TV Ponta Negra, afiliada a la cadena de televisión SBT con sede en Natal / Rio Grande do Norte. El estudio evalúa, desde una perspectiva crítica, el comportamiento de la sección política de ese noticiero sobre la cobertura que ha estado haciendo sobre los acontecimientos políticos en el estado. Específicamente, estamos interesados en conocer, a través del estudio detallado de sus noticias, como los "hechos políticos" del Estado, entendida como una práctica política que se informó, se presentan en su noticiero. Del punto de vista metodológico, la investigación se toma la decisión de utilizar la hermenéutica de profundidad (HP) como propuesto por Thompson (2007) en su libro "La ideología y la cultura moderna". Sugerimosla HP porque es una referencial de alta eficacia analítica para el estudio de los medios de comunicación y en particularde la ideología. De este modo, como se versade una investigación sobre las "formas simbólicas" creemos que estamos en posesión de una importante herramienta metodológica capaz de permitir la comprensión e interpretación de las noticias diariamente "teleplasmadas"

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

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In this work we have analyzed the political commitment of the social assistance sponsored by the Bradesco Foundation in João Pessoa. This Foundation is a private institution of public interest that provides social assistance to low income populations all over Brazil. This kind of work is one of the oldest management initiatives in what is actually referred to as managers` social responsibility. This thesis assumes that managers who are in fact socially responsible should guide their actions by the principles of social democracy, so that everyone can enjoy citizens` social freedom, and guarantee their rights as well as the political awareness of social actors. Analysis of documents and a qualitative approach have been applied to the pedagogical Project of the Foundation, as well as phenomenology to study the social profile of their students. The analysis of the pedagogical project as well as the students` standpoint towards life reveals that the Bradesco Foundation is indeed committed to the social efficacy of its students. The educational proposal of the organization includes those elements that are required for teenagers` education envisaging participative citizenship. The teenagers` speech reveals that they have developed the project identity, being therefore able to take part in the process of political transformation of our time. The results indicate that the Bradesco Foundation not only guarantees some of the basic social rights for the healthy development of those who attend their courses, but also sponsors a high level education providing both a technical and a political formation

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This issue analises the unevenness in the brazilian system of public health care as an extension of socials inequities. It is a theoretical study based in a historical method, using empirical camp from academic, corporation and institution researchs, along the period 2002-2006. Equality and effectiveness in health systems are analitical basic cathegories grap in the root of the doctrine, principles and organization of the Unique Health System, in which sectorial actions are inserted. Discuss the estructural prodution and determined those inequalities through some social determiners of health system: income, land, food securitiy, nutritional situation, basic sanitation, epidemiological inequities and public management policy. Carry out a thematic review over health social production, it formlation and the goals of social policies, as well as the insertion of the equality principle in the assistance system, in the frame of the running public health regulations. It uses reflections that enlighted the correlation between the process of political-institutional actions and equity on health assistance. Analized the pertinency of sectorial reorganizational strategies on basic attendance, confronting the hipothesis that those strategies reinforce social inequities in health system, because it organize diferential assistance levels over not equal baselines. The results show up that social inequalities, even remaining, have had a small decrease; that the selectiviness of actual public policies and the duplication of the health system, increases the differences within and between the social classes and configures the assistance as inequal. The basic care system has great shortages that also appeares in middle and complex assistance levels. As conclusion, it remarks that the health assintance system, even with it integrality has limits; structural problems on material conditions of living and health system could not be reversed only with institutional legal arragements; by the contrary, in border conditions, these strategies produce policies that reinforce inequities, neglecting the equity principle of the system in which frame, they work. One patina of this tim

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In the first half of the twentieth century different groups of intellectuals were engaged in the pursuit of an ideal of Brazility. Thereon, two currents are perceived. The first was marked by a nostalgic bias about the past, being formulated by intellectuals from the region that was turning as Northeast. This group of intellectuals emphasized values and traditions of the agrarian aristocracy of the region that was losing visibility in the political and economic Brazil scene. Already the other current has a more modern and industrial feature, was formed by intellectuals from the Southeast that in detriment of the first, was rising. This group, on the other hand, was intended to give a new face to Brazil and break with the "roots" of our delay that in their view were linked to our agrarian past. This resulted in different perceptions and interpretations of our historical past, and the construction of different profiles to the Brazilian. Accordingly, our work seeks to understand how was produced the writing that silenced the mixed ancestry of Auta de Souza (1876-1901) considering the position that she should occupy in the intellectuals projects who were in charge of forming a memory for our state. Auta as a relevant historical character in this project of potiguares intellectuals, she was raised to the condition of a model woman and elected in the pantheon of the most beloved poets of Rio Grande do Norte, however, to occupy such prestigious position she had her racial ancestry concealed in the writings that these same intellectuals had written about her, what is still spreaded in memory and rituals places of religious and civic features

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This study critically examines the effects of public policies, implemented by Fundação Estadual da Criança e do Adolescente (FUNDAC/RN), along with adolescents of both sexes, perpetrators of illegal acts in compliance by court order, by socio-educative measures , identifying the contradictions that permeate the understanding and treatment of issue. The aim is to investigate the chances that youths have by living in Centro Educacional Pitimbu and Centro Educacional Padre. João Maria (CEDUC), to become subjects in the exercise of their citizenship. The methodology adopted is the verbal history of life (MEIHY, 2005) of youths that had life experiences in these institutions from 2002 to 2005, allowing researchers to access directly to investigated individuals, through the place where they currently reside, and enabling the reconstitution of their life story, from semi-structured interviews. The young people s statements interviewed were grouped and analyzed from the following categories of analysis: the egress and family, the school and egress, the community and egress, the egress and work, the egress and CEDUC, the egress and experience infringement. The results indicate that, despite the advances in Brazilian legislation for the sector, the actions promoted by these institutions generally would have produced innocuous and stigmatized consequences. Moreover, they show in essence that they carry on their inner contradictions which fundamentally correspond to the interests of the dominant system and a society which uses mechanisms of social policy, in addition to favoring the control and repression. And thus, while such actions remain unable to produce important changes in the conditions of existence of young people who meet by social deprivation of liberty, it is possible to say that the chances are minimal so that they become autonomous subjects in a society that, preferring their punishment, denies them, stubbornly, access to their basic rights. In theory, the researcher dialogues with authors as Foucault, Goffman, Bourdieu, Offe, Bauman, Boaventura Santos, Takeuti, Germano, Ariès, Wacquant, among others

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Given the importance that political science and social sciences give studies of voting behavior, this study sought to fill this academic discussion another important element that makes up this complex set. From the campaign trail to City Christmas in 2012 work has been undertaken analysis of rejection in the first and second rounds of this election. For this analysis we used two sources of data: quantitative research, conducted by Search Consult the first and second rounds of elections, and the use of focus group technique, performed in the second round of elections. Knowing the various factors that may affect the voting decision, but also the dynamism that pervades a political dispute, seek, with this work, contribute to the deepening of the rejection of studies, aiming to bring subsidies presenting information to better explain the behavior studies election. The results showed that there is a less expressive, the chamda strong rejection. We speak of that rejection based on a political, historical and ideological. The reason for the weak presence of strong rejection seems to be little involvement of voters with politics and, consequently, low knowledge about politics and politicians. We observe, however, evidence of rejection volatile. We refer here to a kind of rejection that develops during the election process depending on the preference of the voter and according to the circumstances of the campaign. The data also lead us to conclude that television is as an instrument for the dissemination of ideas that can contribute in shaping the opinion of viewers. The role of political parties in representing the interests of the people have lost their strength in recent years. The data also show that, to the extent that increases the preference of voters in the electoral process, also increases its rejection

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This work is an attempt to show that the ideological conflict that has been developed by the hegemony of the 1930 Revolution historical events in Paraíba, conceptually turned into an insoluble social contradiction. It ocurred due to imaginary or formal resolutions of the literature that ended up by altering the epistemological rules of the relation between fiction and reality. The present work is based on The unconscious politics: a narrative as a socially symbolic act , book in which all the literary or cultural texts can and should be read as symbolic resolutions to insoluble social contradictions. From string to contemporary literature this phenomenon has been registered by the several ways of textual production turning the 1930 Revolution into one of the main elements which guides the political scene of Paraíba. The ideological groups still centered on the political resentment and committed to a political conflict forged the existence of two historical truths: one which suits the liberais , the winners, and another is of the 1930 conflict. This work argues in favour of the unconscious politics of the 1930 Revolution. This thesis considers necessarily the relation that the Paraibana society maintains with its past and how this past reaches in the present the liberation of a hidden and repressed truth through its narrativization. Beyond that, how the ideological partiality generated the political resentment through the way of thinking of the rivals under the perspective of the good and evil reveals its insoluble social contradiction. Process which comprehends varied narrative forms of the mass culture products and literary production, as in the methodological perspective pointed by Fredric Jameson that all literary or cultural texts can and shall be read as symbolic resolutions of true political and social contradictions. In the case of Paraiba we will have resolutions that search for the reasons which caused the death of João Pessoa: forgery and publicity of love letters, dispute over the official version of suicide commited by João Dantas, the man who assassinated João Pessoa

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The research was focada in the feminine head of family, the City of Aracaju and its impacts in the nuclear familiar nucleus. Considering that, the papers of the men are in general, not valued and rewarded that the papers of the women in almost all the cultures. The women generally load the responsibility to take care of of the children and the domestic work, while the men traditionally are born with the responsibility to support the family. However, we find changes in this mainly north-eastern scene and, where through quantitative research, already one evidenced that they are majority as family support, therefore, we observe the construction of social identities of the women family heads and uncurling of the adaptativos aspects, the existing mechanism between domination and power, in the familiar nucleus. The impacts in the family if had change in the social relation for them to be family heads. One is about qualitative research that has left of the construction of a theoretical landmark, analyzing given of bibliographical sources and from interviews with women family heads, power to observe the forms of joints in the nuclear families, as they deal with the power to decide power, the financial power, the fragility, the domination and the influences of the traditional models. Analyzing the familiar relations between the woman, the children and the spouse, searching the excellent questions for the briefing of the thematic one, demystifying the dichotomy between the mother/wife and woman head of family in the residential environment

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The proposal of this study was to work with women in the politics, focusing on their trajectories, biographies and speeches, to catch the meanings given by themselves to their insertion in the political field. The privileged instrument of research was the autobiographical narratives of fifteen women who, in Paraíba, had participated of the electoral processes and the life partisan politics in the period from 1998 to 2008, in the state and federal scopes. This permitted us to search the dimension of their lived expericence, to understand the trajectories and the processes of autonomation of the women, in the politics. Moreover, a quantitative mapping of the feminine presence in the processes was made electoral politicians in a wider context. In a similar way, two surveys had been carried throughout the research, among others aspects, to understand that image voters and politicians they construct concerning the feminine participation in this field. These instruments were important not to lose of all the social view where these lives were developed, the places from which these women speak and locate and the social meanings originated from this participation. The research aimed to establish dialogues between knowing and fields of discipline, beyond the dichotomy of actor/structure, preventing generalizations that ignore the plurality of the individuals, to reveal some aspects of the complex and contradictory processes that involve their participation in the political field. At last, it is tried to show that, although the frequent accusations of autonomy lack, when establishing relations in the public space, the women, as all subjects, can reflect about themselves, the motives of their thoughts and their actions escaping from the servitude of the repetition and avoid being only product of the institution that formed them (CASTORIADIS, 1992, p.140-141)