Proportionality in Age Discrimination Cases - a Model Suitable for Socially Embedded Rights

This chapter discusses the use of proportionality in age discrimination cases before the Court of Justice of the European Union. It argues that the Court does not use this concept systematically - indeed it exposes some contradiction that make the case law seem arbitrary - and proposes a more fruitful use of the principle, which is in line with a modern conception of human rights. The chapter argues that the principle of proportionality stems from the time when human rights served the recently liberated burgeois elite in guarding their rights to property and liberty against the state. Today, states not only respect human rights (which is fully sufficient for this elite, who can rely on their inherited wealth to fend for themselves). They also protect and promote human rights, and these activities are a precondition for human rights to be practically relevant for the whole population. This also means that state activity, which is experienced as a limitation of rights to property and liberty by some, may constitute a measure to promote and protect human rights of others. In employment law - the only field where the EU ban on age discrimination is applied - this is a typical situation. If such a situation occurs, the principle of proportionality must be applied in a bifurcated way.It is not sufficient that the limitation of property rights is proportionate for the achievement of a public policy aim. If the aim of public policy is to enable the effective use of human rights, the limitation of the state action must be proportionate to the protection and promotion of those human rights. It is argued that the principle of proportionality is superior to less structures balancing acts (e.g. the Wednesbury principle), if it is applied both ways. Going over to the field of age discrimination, the chapter identifies a number of potentially colliding aims pursued in this field. Banning age discrimination may relate to genuine aims of anti-discrimination law if bias against older or very young workers is addressed. However, the EU ban of discrimination against all ages also serves to restructure employment law and policy to the age of flexibilisation, replacing the synchronisation principle that has been predominant for the welfare states of the 20th century. The former aim is related to human rights protection, while the latter aim is not (at least not always). This has consequences for applying the proportionality test. The chapter proposes different ways to argue the most difficult age discrimination cases, where anti-discrimination rationales and flexibilisation rationales clash

Women's Nightwork :deregulation as a straight road to equality?

The book considers the question whether the traditional prohibition of nightwork for female manual workers could be defended against EU (then: EEC) discrimination law requirements and against the German constitution itself. While I was working on the PhD, German labour law still prohibited manual workers (but not white collar employees, or nurses, or policewomen) from working nights. Just before the thesis was published, the German constitutional court held that the prohibition indeed violates the Constitution, but that it must not be repealed without providing for specific protection against health risks ensuing from night work. The Court thus mainly confirmed the thesis' results. The thesis first considers the history of the legislation (which was based on an ILO convention), and discusses the social and health risks related to night work. It then comes to the conclusion that gender roles imply that women are at a greater risk when working nights, but that there is no biological justification (except during pregnancy of course). The thesis further develops a recommendation, based on the constitutional welfare states principle and the constitutional protection of health, to not just abolish the prohibition, but to provide uplevel equalisation of working conditions for women and men. This was the first time I also tried to work comparatively (not perfect at all), but I have certainly improved since then. An English summary of the thesis was published in the 3rd issue of the Cardozo Women's Law Journal 1996, which was also my first ever publicatin in English

Social Services of General Interest: The EU Competence Regime and a Constitution of Social Governance

In discussing the potential role of the EU, the Member States, their composite parts and civil society organisations in establishing social services of general interest at sub-national, national, transnational and EU wide levels, this chapter explores the EU competence regime for social services of general interest. Its analysis contradicts a tendency in academic writing to demand protection of national prerogatives for shaping welfare states against EU intervention at all costs, because this would be counterproductive for the progress of the EU project. It submits that an EU constitution of social governance should create mixed responsibilities so that the EU, states and civil society actors support each other in creating preconditions for social integration in the EU. It uses the field of social services of general interests as an example of applying this general theoretical concept.

La mobilisation sociale dans un contexte de gouvernance au Québec et en Irlande : le rôle des organismes communautaires dans l'élaboration des politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté

Cette thèse porte sur le rôle des organismes communautaires entre 1994 et 2002 dans l’élaboration de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté au Québec et en Irlande et ce, dans un contexte de gouvernance. Au cours de années 1980 et 1990, des gouvernements, dont ceux du Québec et de l’Irlande, ont fait appel à des organismes communautaires pour que ceux-ci participent à la gestion des services sociaux ainsi qu’à la formulation des politiques sociales. Cette participation s’est inscrite dans le cadre de nouveaux arrangements politiques, soit des nouvelles formes de gouvernance alors que les gouvernements éprouvaient des difficultés à remédier à l’accroissement des inégalités sociales. Cependant, il demeure difficile de discerner en quoi l’établissement de ces nouvelles formes de gouvernance a façonné le rôle des organismes communautaires dans l’élaboration des politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. De plus, les partenariats sociaux en Irlande relèvent d’un processus davantage institué que la concertation au Québec, ce qui a entraîné des différences au plan des mobilisations sociales. L’objectif de cette thèse est donc celui de mieux cerner le lien entre les nouvelles formes de gouvernance et la mobilisation sociale des organismes communautaires dans l’élaboration de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. L’hypothèse mise en avant est que l’efficacité de l’action collective dépend de la manière dont les organismes communautaires s’y prennent pour pallier l’incertitude qui caractérise les modes de gouvernance. Sur le plan théorique, cette thèse mise sur les interactions entre acteurs et, plus particulièrement, sur la formation de réseaux de politiques publiques. Cela implique plus précisément de cerner comment les acteurs coordonnent des activités entre eux et se rallient autour d’un même thème, comme celui de la lutte contre la pauvreté. Lorsque la coordination des activités est forte et que le ralliement autour d’un même thème est important, on parle de coalition de cause. La nécessité de former une coalition se produit dans le contexte d’un champ institutionnel incertain, comme c’est le cas pour les mécanismes de concertation au Québec. Mais le caractère incertain du champ institutionnel entraîne aussi des divergences à l’intérieur de la coalition instaurée à cette occasion, ayant pour effet d’affaiblir la mobilisation sociale. Ainsi, l’interprétation que font les organismes communautaires des nouvelles formes de gouvernance façonne la manière dont ces organismes vont définir la lutte contre la pauvreté et élaborer leurs stratégies. Sur le plan méthodologique, le choix des cas de l’Irlande et du Québec repose dans les différences qui existent en termes de gouvernance et ce, alors qu’ils partagent de fortes similarités. Tant l’Irlande que le Québec sont caractérisés par des économies de marché ouvertes, des régimes d’État-providence de type libéral ainsi que l’emprise, par le passé, de l’Église catholique dans les services sociaux. Cependant, ces deux cas diffèrent en ce qui concerne le rôle de l’État, le système électoral, le statut juridico-politique, le caractère de leur économie et la place occupée par le milieu communautaire par rapport à l’État. Ces différences permettent de rendre compte du moins en ce qui concerne le Québec et l’Irlande, de la manière dont l’action collective découle de la relation entre les stratégies des acteurs et le contexte dans lequel ils se situent. Cette thèse montre comment, dans un processus davantage institué, comme c’est le cas des partenariats sociaux en Irlande, la mobilisation sociale s’avère plus efficace que lorsqu’elle se situe dans le cadre d’un processus moins institué, comme ce qu’on peut observer avec la concertation au Québec. Bien que, dans les deux cas, l’influence du milieu communautaire en matière des politiques sociales demeure mitigée, la mobilisation sociale des organismes communautaires irlandais s’est avérée plus efficace que celle de leurs homologues québécois eu égard de la formulation de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. Au Québec, bien que les organismes communautaires sont parvenus à former une coalition, soit le Collectif pour une loi sur l’élimination de la pauvreté, leur mobilisation s’est trouvée affaiblie en raison de la prédominance de divergences entre acteurs communautaires. De telles divergences étaient aggravées en raison du caractère incertain du champ institutionnel lié à la concertation. En Irlande, bien que les organismes communautaires ont dû faire face à des contraintes qui rendaient difficiles la formation d’une coalition, ceux-ci ont pu néanmoins se mobiliser autrement, notamment en raison de liens formés avec des fonctionnaires dans le cadre des ententes partenariales.

Les trois mondes des régimes fiscaux : l’économie politique du financement des États-providence

Ce mémoire cherche à comprendre un paradoxe : les États-providence les plus généreux, façonnés par des partis sociaux-démocrates, sont financés par des taxes beaucoup plus régressives que les États-providence les moins généreux où les partis de droite, plus souvent au pouvoir, mettent en place une taxation plus progressive. Pour comprendre ce paradoxe, ce mémoire débute en analysant les pressions induites par la mondialisation des capitaux sur la taxation. Ensuite, le mémoire explore les causes institutionnelles des régimes fiscaux en effectuant une revue de la littérature analytique. Ces contraintes institutionnelles et fonctionnelles sur le comportement et les préférences des acteurs politiques permettent de définir trois idéaux-types de régimes fiscaux. Ces idéaux-types cadrent avec la typologie des régimes d’État-providence d’Esping-Andersen. En regroupant des typologies sur les régimes fiscaux et les régimes d’État-providence, ce mémoire souligne que le financement des politiques publiques représente une composante cruciale de l’économie politique de l’État-providence.

La pratique de la contrepartie pour les personnes exclues du marché du travail : ici et ailleurs

Les modalités et les pratiques de la contrepartie dans l’assistance sociale, dans six pays de l’OCDE sont comparés. La littérature anglo-saxonne parle plus volontiers de workfare alors que la littérature d’Europe continentale utilise la notion de conditionnalité. Les auteurs utilisent le terme de contrepartie comme concept générique incluant l’ensemble des programmes introduisant des formes de conditionnalité de l’aide par opposition à des aides ou des prestations attribuées de manière inconditionnelle. Une interprétation de ces variations est proposée en situant les résultats obtenus par rapport aux connaissances acquises en politique comparée sur l’évolution des différents types d’État-providence.

A construção da União Europeia : um olhar sobre a dimensão social do projeto

O Tratado de Roma de 1957 priorizou o setor económico em detrimento do social. Em consequência, cada Estado-membro manteve o seu modelo de assistência social e , deste modo, a diversidade de Estados-providência. Mais tarde, o princípio da subsidariedade legitimou-os no contexto do processo de construção da Comunidade Económica/União Europeia e, por consequinte, a coexistência dos mesmos, particularmente os submodelos de assistência social escandinavo, anglo-saxónico, continental e dos países da Europa do sul. Hoje, graças ao Ato Único Europeu e ao Tratado de Amesterdão de 1997, foi adotada por todos os Estados-membros a Carta dos Direitos Sociais Fundamentais no Conselho de Estrasburgo de 1989, assim como valorizada a dimensão social e o incentivo à negociação coletiva entre parceiros, respetivamente. Assim, sendo, e na sequência do exposto anteriormente, constata-se, nessa nova EUropa em transformação permanente, a emergência de um novo modelo de Estado-providência, centrado essencialmente na compilação, complementariedade e/ou «fusão» do que existe de melhor no conjunto dos quatro submodelos existentes, de acordo com o princípio da unidade a partir da diversidade.

Social politics in a transoceanic world in the early Cold War years

This article argues that those termed 'liberals' in the United States had the opportunity in the late 1940's to use overseas case studies to reshape the ramshackle political agenda of the New Deal along more specifically social democratic lines, but hat they found it impossible to match interest in the wider world with a concrete programme to overcome tension between left-wing politics and the emerging anti-totalitarianism of the Cold War. The American right, by contrast, conducted a highly organised publicity drive to provide new meaning for their anti-statist ideology in a post-New Deal, post-isolationist United States by using perceived failures of welfare states overseas as domestic propaganda. The examples of Labour Britain after 1945 and Labour New Zealand both provided important case studies for American liberals and conservatives, but in the Cold War it was the American right who would benefit most from an ideologically driven repackaging of overseas social policy for an American audience.

The politics of fiscal policy during economic downturns, 1981-2010

This article investigates fiscal policy responses to the Great Recession in historical perspective. We explore general trends in the frequency, size and composition of fiscal stimulus as well as the impact of government partisanship on fiscal policy outputs during the four international recessions of 1980-81, 1990-91, 2001-02 and 2008-09. Encompassing 17-23 OECD countries, our analysis calls into question the idea of a general retreat from fiscal policy activism since the early 1980s. The propensity of governments to respond to economic downturns by engaging in fiscal stimulus has increased over time and we do not observe any secular trend in the size of stimulus measures. At the same time, OECD governments have relied more on tax cuts to stimulate demand in the two recessions of the 2000s than they did in the early 1980s or early 1990s. Regarding government partisanship, we do not find any significant direct partisan effects on either the size or the composition of fiscal stimulus for any of the four recession episodes. However, the size of the welfare state conditioned the impact of government partisanship in the two recessions of the 2000s, with Left-leaning governments distinctly more prone to engage in discretionary fiscal stimulus and/or spending increases in large welfare states, but not in small welfare states.

Tillväxt som kontrovers : Ekonomers och sociologers debatt om den svenska offentliga sektorn

The controversy of growth: a debate between economists and sociologists about the Swedish public sector Has the ‘Swedish model’ forced Sweden into stagnating economic growth? And has this caused Sweden to lag behind other comparable OECD-countries from the 1970s and onwards, i.e. since Sweden chose a welfare path different from many other countries? This has been the subject of a more than twenty year long controversy between Walter Korpi, professor of sociology and social policy, and leading Swedish mainstream economists. In a series of articles, especially during the years of economic crisis in the 1990s, Walter Korpi claimed that other reasons than the Swedish model has to be taken into account when comparing welfare states and their impact on economic growth, while the economists have persistently maintained the opposite view. These disputes over statistics and methodology have developed into what is here referred to as a science based controversy. This article analyzes the controversy between sociology and economy in accordance with controversy theory. In this way we can consider both the underlying social as well as political aspects of the debate, which leads to the conclusion that not every aspect of a science-based controversy is a byproduct of science itself.

Kriskommunikation i ett heterogent samhälle : lika för alla eller till var och en efter behov?

The controversy of growth: a debate between economists and sociologists about the Swedish public sector Has the ‘Swedish model’ forced Sweden into stagnating economic growth? And has this caused Sweden to lag behind other comparable OECD-countries from the 1970s and onwards, i.e. since Sweden chose a welfare path different from many other countries? This has been the subject of a more than twenty year long controversy between Walter Korpi, professor of sociology and social policy, and leading Swedish mainstream economists. In a series of articles, especially during the years of economic crisis in the 1990s, Walter Korpi claimed that other reasons than the Swedish model has to be taken into account when comparing welfare states and their impact on economic growth, while the economists have persistently maintained the opposite view. These disputes over statistics and methodology have developed into what is here referred to as a science based controversy. This article analyzes the controversy between sociology and economy in accordance with controversy theory. In this way we can consider both the underlying social as well as political aspects of the debate, which leads to the conclusion that not every aspect of a science-based controversy is a byproduct of science itself.

Organizações comunitárias de provisão social nos Estados Unidos e França

Documento de pesquisa que aborda o perfil, a dimensão e a magnitude das organizações comunitárias de provisão social na França e nos Estados Unidos, relacionando suas formas de vinculação, dinâmicas e identidades em face da esfera governamental e da esfera privada capitalista, apontando: (i) tipos dominantes de atores e como funcionam seus quadros em relação ao Estado e aos interesses capitalistas no mercado; (ii) recursos mobilizados na interação com o poder político e poder econômico (Estado e empresas capitalistas) quando recebem doações: significado do trabalho voluntariado e das iniciativas de geração de ocupação e renda (associativismo/cooperativismo) e (iii) fins visados e valores expressos. São discutidas as formas de atuação de base, participação local em cada país e é analisada, comparativamente, a questão do significado desses agentes no quadro atual dos atuais sistemas de bem-estar (Welfare State) na sociedade civil norte-americana e francesa.

A gestão participativa em administrações municipais:as experiências de Natal e Maceió

Our object is to analyze the experiences in participative management in the cities o Natal and Maceió. The center of our interests is to evaluate if the operational changes in public administration in Brazil have really caused transformations in the municipal government which tend to constitute democracy in our country. The enlargement of civil society participation experiences in public management (at least as a proposal) has led to a great diversity of results even when executed by individuals from the same political party or with the same ideological interests. Thus, we investigate why the participative management process takes place in different forms even when the managers belong to the same party and share the same ideas. We based our analysis in the analytical scheme developed by Esping-Andersen (1991) in his studies about the cause for different welfare states in the world. We defend the thesis that the specifities in management are explained through an integrative analysis between the capacity of organization existent in society, the kind of govern coalition and the institutional legacy present in both cities. The complete analysis of the two experiences studied shows that there are similarities specially in the mayors government forms and in the importance they give in their speech to the participation of society as the element which sustains the management. Nevertheless, although both mayors are connected to the political party project, there are also differences in the advance of such process mainly because of the basis work performed by the left party among the popular movement, the kind of govern coalition which has been developed in the city and by the institutional legacy left by the former administration

La giustiziabilità dei diritti sociali nell'ordinamento dell'Unione europea

L’oggetto del lavoro si sostanzia nella verifica del grado di giustiziabilità che i diritti sociali ricevono nell’ordinamento dell’Unione europea. L’indagine si articola in tre capitoli. Il primo è dedicato ad una sintetica ricostruzione dei modelli di welfare state riconosciuti dagli ordinamenti dei diversi paesi membri dell’Unione attraverso cui, la candidata enuclea un insieme di diritti sociali che ricevono tutela in tutti gli ordinamenti nazionali. L’esposizione prosegue, con la ricostruzione dell’evoluzione dei Trattati istitutivi dell’Unione e l’inclusione della sfera sociale tra gli obiettivi di questa. In particolare, il secondo capitolo esamina la giurisprudenza della Corte di Giustizia in relazione alle materie sociali, nonché l’inclusione dei diritti sociali nel testo della Carta dei diritti fondamentali. L’analisi si sofferma sulle tecniche normative adottate nell’area della politica sociale, evidenziando la tendenza ad un approccio di tipo “soft” piuttosto che attraverso il classico metodo comunitario. Esaurita questa analisi il terzo capitolo analizza i rapporti tra il diritto dell’Ue e quello della CEDU in materia di diritti sociali, evidenziano il diverso approccio utilizzato dalle due istanze sovranazionali nella tutela di questi diritti. Sulla base del lavoro svolto si conclude per una sostanziale mancanza di giustiziabilità dei diritti sociali in ambito dell’Unione. In particolare i punti deboli dell’Europa sociale vengono individuati in: un approccio regolativo alla dimensione sociale di tipo sempre più soft; la permanenza di alcuni deficit di competenze; la mancata indicazione di criteri di bilanciamento tra diritti sociali e libertà economiche e dalla compresenza delle due nozioni di economia sociale e di economia di mercato. Le conclusioni mostrano come l’assenza di competenze esclusive dell’Unione in materia di politica sociale non consenta una uniformazione/armonizzazione delle politiche sociali interne, che si riflette nell’incapacità dei modelli sociali nazionali di assorbire i grandi mutamenti macro economici che si sono avuti negli ultimi vent’anni, sia a livello sovranazionale che internazionale.