985 resultados para trade policies


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Con la firma del Tratado de Libre Comercio (TLC) entre los países que conforman la Unión Europea (UE) y Colombia, se abre un camino complejo y dinámico de flujos en comercio exterior que, sin duda, traerá beneficios y desventajas para la actividad productora de leche cruda en Colombia, a raíz de la forma como se hicieron las negociaciones del acuerdo. Partiendo de esta premisa, el presente trabajo de grado, hace un análisis cualitativo de los efectos previsibles que la implementación del TLC de la referencia tendrá sobre el sector lácteo en Colombia

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El presente estudio analiza las importaciones desde China hacia Colombia y abarca temas estadísticos, análisis regionales, políticas de comercio exterior y revisiones geopolíticas del papel comercial de China en el mundo, dentro de otros aspectos. Es importante hacer el análisis sobre los contextos del comercio exterior colombiano reciente y vincularlo con el papel de China.

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La presente monografía pretende explorar la cooperación Sur-Sur en el marco de los BRICS como una estrategia de soft power de estos Estados para aumentar su liderazgo global. Lo anterior se constituye como un elemento fundamental en la consolidación de los BRICS como un foro político y ha permitido el inicio de un proceso de cohesión identitaria dentro del grupo, lo que a su vez ha generado que actúen conjuntamente en diferentes espacios. El análisis se hace a través de la aproximación teórica de la hegemonía cooperativa de Thomas Pedersen y el concepto de soft power desarrollado por Joseph Nye, lo que permite no solo caracterizar a los miembros del grupo BRICS sino que también da lugar a identificar sus aspiraciones en el foro y en torno a qué temas u objetivos se unen.

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El objetivo principal de esta monografía es identificar cuáles son las razones que justifican las contradicciones entre el discurso y el comportamiento de Estados Unidos en el marco de la Organización Mundial del Comercio, particularmente con relación a prácticas anticompetitivas derivadas del programa de protección a la agricultura del país. Para ello se analizan el interés nacional y los elementos de la seguridad nacional a partir de los cuales éste se ha construido. También se evalúan los procesos de formulación de política comercial y las interacciones entre los representantes políticos, las asociaciones de productores y el sector privado para mostrar como este comportamiento contradictorio corresponde a la legitimización de un interés particular.

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El comercio exterior brasileño y la utilización de instrumentos de defensa comercial por parte del gobierno están asociados con las características de la economía brasileña y la política comercial desarrollada en el país. Con el propósito de investigar esta relación se analizan, en la primera parte, las características primordiales del comercio en el período 2003-2009, que incluye los siete años completos del Gobierno Lula da Silva. La segunda parte presenta y discute las cifras de la actividad de defensa comercial del país y relaciona la tendencia del flujo de las importaciones comerciales con los datos de apertura de procedimientos de defensa comercial. Por último, se efectuan observaciones finales acerca de los datos y análisis elaborado.

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Há mais de 30 anos o Brasil tem desenvolvido políticas específicas para o setor de informática, desde a Política Nacional de Informática da década de 70, passando pelo Período de Reserva de Mercado dos anos 80 e, nos dias de hoje, em que as Tecnologias de Informação e Comunicação (TIC) são tidas como uma das áreas prioritárias na Política Industrial. Dentre as metas atuais, destaca-se o foco na ampliação do volume de exportações de software e serviços. Contudo, apesar dessas pretensões, o país não tem tido destaque internacional expressivo para o setor. Por outro lado, a Índia, também considerada como um país emergente, figurando na lista dos BRIC, foi responsável pela exportação de cerca de US$47 bilhões em software e serviços de Tecnologia da Informação (TI) em 2009, se destacando como um país protagonista no mercado internacional do setor. A implementação de uma indústria tecnicamente sofisticada como a do software, que exige um ambiente propício à inovação, em um país em desenvolvimento como a Índia chama a atenção. De certo existiram arranjos jurídico-institucionais que foram utilizados naquele país. Quais? Em que medida tais arranjos ajudaram no desenvolvimento indiano do setor? E no Brasil? Este trabalho parte da hipótese de que o ambiente jurídico-institucional desses países definiu fluxos de conhecimento distintos, influenciando o tipo de desenvolvimento do setor de software de cada um. Averiguar como, entre outros fatores sócio-econômicos, esses arranjos jurídico-institucionais influenciaram na conformação diversa de fluxos de conhecimento é o objetivo específico desta pesquisa. Entende-se aqui como ambiente jurídico-institucional todas as regulamentações que estabelecem instituições, diretrizes e condições comuns para determinado tema. Partindo do pressuposto de que o setor de software desenvolve atividades intensivas em conhecimento, para cada país em questão, serão analisados apenas arranjos jurídico-institucionais que tiveram, ou têm, poder de delimitar o fluxo de conhecimento referente ao setor, sejam eles provenientes de políticas comerciais (de exportação e importação, ou de propriedade intelectual) ou de políticas de investimento para inovação. A questão fundamental ultrapassa o debate se o Estado deve ou não intervir, para focar-se na análise sobre os diferentes tipos de envolvimento observados e quais os seus efeitos. Para tal, além de revisão bibliográfica, foi feita uma pesquisa de campo na Índia (Delhi, Mumbai, Bangalore) e no Brasil (São Paulo, Brasília e Rio de Janeiro), onde foram conduzidas entrevistas com empresas e associações de software, gestores públicos e acadêmicos que estudam o setor.

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In a nonnative approach, I analyze trade policies when the industrial sector genentes positive extemalities in production, and there are adjustments costs to changing production from one sector to the other. Protectionist trade policy can make workers intemalize the benetits from moving into the industrial sector, but it is a second best policy as it also causes consumption distortions. I show that if the govemment is able to fully commit to its tariff schedule for the future, the welfare maximizing policy is to maintain a positive tariff forever, even after all adjustment has already taken place . However, if the govemment is not able to commit at all, the only time consistent policy is zero tariff at any point in time. The time inconsistency of the full commitment policy is derived from the fact that in the model only production needs interference, and the production distortion is lagged one period with respect to the tariff wbile the consumption distortion is simultaneous to the tariff. In the intermediary case, i.e., when the government can commit for a limited period of time, the time consistent optimal tariff will be positive but lower than the "full commitment" tariff. This result indicates that some institutions that have always been considered pure sources of inefficiency, such as protectionist lobbying, may in fact be welfare improving in some cases!

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In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital

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Empirical analyses attributing the 1980s' debt crisis to inconsistent stabilization policies rest on an inappropriate long-run approach. Revising this long-run approach yields opposite results: terms of trade shocks and foreign indebtedness explain this crisis, regardless of domestic stabilization policies. This prompts us to consider a new hypothesis, of delays in trade-policy reforms, with a model in which terms-of-trade variation (under shocks) is endogenous to export structure and efficiency of resource allocation. Evidence from the structural equations model shows that allocation distortions negatively affect changes in terms of trade, which then explain this crisis. A political economy extension demonstrates that income inequality and regional trade policy determine the distortions, which in turn leads to this crisis.

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Incluye Bibliografía

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography

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1. A lo largo de las últimas décadas, se han dado pasos de acercamiento entre Panamá y el proceso de integración centroamericana. A lo largo de este proceso, Panamá ha participado en algunas reuniones de los organismos de la integración regional, ha firmado acuerdos comerciales con sus miembros y ha analizado el cómo y cuándo ingresar al proceso de integración centroamericana. Recientemente, como consecuencia del proceso de globalización y el establecimiento de la política de regionalismo abierto en la región, las posturas de los países centroamericanos y Panamá se han acercado como nunca antes. Atendiendo a estos cambios y a lo dispuesto en el programa de trabajo regular de la Unidad de Comercio Internacional e Industria (UCII); para 2008-2009, se ha llevado a cabo un estudio sobre "Panamá y el proceso de integración centroamericana", en el que se analizan algunas áreas relevantes que podrán acercar más a Panamá y al proceso de integración centroamericana, y se identifican algunas determinantes que han facilitado un vínculo más estrecho entre Panamá y Costa Rica. 2. La Reunión de Expertos sobre “Panamá en el proceso de integración centroamericana” responde al compromiso establecido en el Plan de trabajo regular de la CEPAL para 2008-2009 para llevar a cabo una reunión de expertos relativa al tema de integración y políticas comerciales en la subregión. Las sugerencias de los expertos citados en está reunión ayudaron a elaborar la versión final del documento Panamá y el proceso de integración centroamericana”. 3. Lo que sigue de este informe tiene como objetivo principal dar cuenta de la organización, dinámica y conclusiones de este evento. Report on the Meeting of Experts on Panama in the process of Central American integration Abstract: 1. During the greater part of the past decades, Panama has begun approaching the process of Central American integration. Throughout this process, Panama has participated in several meetings with the organizations focused on regional integration, and signed several trade agreements with their members, as well as analyzed how and when to join the process of Central American integration. Recently, as a consequence of globalization and establishment of regional policies of openness in the region, the positions of the countries of Central America and Panama have become closer aligned than ever before. In response to these changes and information over the regular work program of the Unit for International Trade and Industry (UCII); for 2008-2009, a study was carried out over the subject of Panama and the process of Central American integration, in which some areas relevant to the subject Panama and the process of Central American integration were analyzed, and determinants that have facilitated a stronger link between Panama and Costa Rica were identified. 2. The meeting of experts over “ Panama and the process of Central American integration”, was in response to commitment established in the regular work plan of ECLAC for 2008-2009 to carry out a meeting experts on the matters of integration and trade policies of the subregion. The suggestions of the experts quoted from this event, helped to elaborate the final version of the report “Panama and the process of Central American integration”. 3. The main objective of this report is to provide information over the organization, dynamics and conclusions of this event.

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Incluye Bibliografía

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The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of the gender and social disparities existing in the agricultural and rural sector in Caribbean economies. In this context, agricultural transformation as occasioned by the dismantling of preferential trading arrangements is analysed to identify the most relevant gender discriminatory measures in the current agricultural development policy and programmes. The analysis seeks to provide the basis for enhancing understanding among policy makers, planners and rural development practitioners of the gender and social dimension involved in the formulation of agricultural policy and more specifically in relation to the new policy and institutional arrangements for agriculture in the region. The paper also provides insights regarding what changes should take place to create an enabling environment for more gender-based approaches to policy-making and strategic planning in agricultural development and trade in the Caribbean. The methodology centred on the review of secondary sources that provide references on the new challenges, opportunities and constraints faced by the agricultural sector, in particular small farmers, in the context of globalization and agriculture transformation. Much of the literature for this assignment was obtained from FAO Headquarters in Rome and the FAO Subregional Office in Barbados, as well as the OECS Secretariat in St. Lucia. In the process of the review exercise, due consideration was given to changes in agricultural production patterns, resources allocation and rural livelihoods. Efforts to examine the most relevant policy measures and mechanisms in-place in support to agricultural development in the region were constrained, in the main, by the absence of gender disaggregated data. Documentation as regards the situation of women and men in relation to agricultural labour, rural income and food security situation in regions were limited. The use of the internet served to bridge the communication gap between countries and institutions. The preliminary draft of the paper was presented and discussed at the FAO/ECLAC/UNIFEM regional workshop on mainstreaming gender analysis in agriculture and trade policies, for Caribbean countries, in November 2003. The second draft of the paper was informed by comments from the workshop and additional information acquired through field visits to Barbados, St. Kitts and St. Vincent in March 2004. The three day visits to each of these three countries entailed a review/appreciation of the resource, constraints and institutional capacities for gender mainstreaming within the agricultural sector at the national level. This included visits to some of the major agricultural projects and interviews with farmers (where feasible) in respect of their perspective of the current situation of the agricultural sector and the viability of their farm enterprises. As well, meetings were held with relevant/available officials within the respective ministries of agriculture to discern the gender consideration as regards agricultural policy and planning at the country level. The internet was invaluable to the task of sourcing supplementary information to satisfy the aim of the paper; in respect of the identification of concrete policy measures and actions to formulate and develop more gender/social-responsive agricultural development policies. The final revision, though thwart with resource and communication constraints, was ultimately completed in compliance with the structure and approach proposed in the terms of references for this FAO/ECLAC assignment.