971 resultados para social critique
Resumo:
Recent times have witnessed a growing belief in urban spaces as 'assemblages' produced through interwoven and spatially differentiated forces that converge at particular sites. There is also continuing interest in the nature of neoliberal tendencies and the rise of post-politics and democracy in urban governance. These accounts typically lack attention towards the comprehensive conceptualization of the heterogeneous logics and mechanics of relations and negotiations between actors. This paper seeks to advance these perspectives by exploring the potential contribution of French pragmatism thinking to how social life is produced through practical dialogue between actors through critique, argumentation and justification. © The Author(s) 2012.
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We evaluate whether society can adequately be conceptualized as a component of social-ecological systems, given social theory and the current outputs of systems-based research. A mounting critique from the social sciences posits that resilience theory has undertheorized social entities with the concept of social-ecological systems. We trace the way that use of the term has evolved, relating to social science theory. Scientometic and network analysis provide a wide range of empirical data about the origin, growth, and use of this term in academic literature. A content analysis of papers in Ecology and Society demonstrates a marked emphasis in research on institutions, economic incentives, land use, population, social networks, and social learning. These findings are supported by a review of systems science in 18 coastal assessments. This reveals that a systems-based conceptualization tends to limit the kinds of social science research favoring quantitative couplings of social and ecological components and downplaying interpretive traditions of social research. However, the concept of social-ecological systems remains relevant because of the central insights concerning the dynamic coupling between humans and the environment, and its salient critique about the need for multidisciplinary approaches to solve real world problems, drawing on heuristic devices. The findings of this study should lead to more circumspection about whether a systems approach warrants such claims to comprehensiveness. Further methodological advances are required for interdisciplinarity. Yet there is evidence that systems approaches remain highly productive and useful for considering certain social components such as land use and hybrid ecological networks. We clarify advantages and restrictions of utilizing such a concept, and propose a reformulation that supports engagement with wider traditions of research in the social sciences.
Resumo:
In the past three decades, special education has been subjected to extensive critique and reform of practices. These critiques have been based on notions of social justice and equity. However, the field has suffered from inadequate attention to assumptions about social justice. Social justice is essentially a contested concept. Rather than representing a unitary and universally shared concept, social justice has variable meanings. Differing views of social justice can be seen to underlie apparent contradictions in continuing practice in response to pressures for reform. Reforms predicated on individual rights have been undermined by deep commitments to meritocratic practices in U.S. schools. Reforms based on more communitarian principles, however, ignore the need for structure and the tendency for communal values to marginalize people with disabilities. Special education reform today requires a different basis in a relational definition of the self, structures to support the qualities of relationships, and a belief in the mutability of social justice.
Resumo:
Este texto parte do pressuposto de que a forma como se organizam as dinâmicas sociais entre adultos e crianças, nomeadamente nos contextos educativos, não é isenta de marcas de invisibilidade e exclusão, no que diz respeito ao protagonismo das últimas nos processos educativos. Pretendemos discutir de que forma as crianças se apresentam, em muitos contextos, como um grupo geracional discriminado no que diz respeito ao seu direito a assumir uma efectiva participação no processo educativo, tentando demonstrar que este estatuto é, ainda, alimentado por um conjunto de pressupostos associados à ideia da incapacidade e incompetência, associada tacitamente ao sujeito criança, influenciando as relações e dinâmicas com as crianças. Apresentamos neste texto a defesa de uma acção pedagógica participativa e baseada nos direitos da criança, sobretudo a partir dos seus direitos de participação, para questionar tais pressupostos e práticas excludentes face ao grupo social da infância. São estes os caminhos para a construção de dinâmicas sociais ativas, mais críticas e emancipatórias e promotoras de práticas sociais fundamentais numa sociedade livre, pacífica, equitativa e democrática
Resumo:
O ensaio é motivado pelo debate sobre quais seriam os conhecimentos a serem trabalhados em nome de uma qualidade educacional. Estes conhecimentos, muitas vezes tomados como básicos e universais, são entendidos, em algumas propostas que se reforçam por meio das políticas avaliativas de larga escala, como responsáveis pela melhoria dos resultados da educação. Para realização do contraponto à forma como o conteúdo programático da educação é ainda hoje percebido, são resgatadas algumas contribuições de Paulo Freire ao construir sua proposta de educação libertadora: o humanismo, como o compromisso radical com o homem concreto rumo à promoção da transformação social; a práxis, como a capacidade de atuar e refletir na direção das finalidades objetivadas coletivamente; e a síntese cultural, como o novo conteúdo da educação, comprometido com o ser mais de educadores e educandos que, mediados pelo mundo, tentam o refletir/reconstruir de forma crítica, compartilhando compreensões.
Resumo:
Power is a fundamental force in social relationships and is pervasive throughout various types of interactions. Although research has shown that the possession of power can change the powerholder, the full extent of power's consequences on individuals' decision making capabilities and social interactions within organizations is not fully understood. The goal of this paper is to review, synthesize, and critique the literature on power with a focus on its organizational and managerial implications. Specifically, we propose a definition of power that takes into account its three defining characteristics-having the discretion and means to enforce one's will-and summarize the extant literature on how power influences individuals' thoughts, emotions, and actions both in terms of prosocial and antisocial outcomes. In addition, we highlight important moderators of power and describe ways in which it can be studied in a more rigorous manner by examining methodological issues and pitfalls with regard to its measurement and manipulation. We also provide future research directions to motivate and guide the study of power by management scholars. Our desire is to present a thorough and parsimonious account of power's influence on individuals within an organizational context, as well as provide a foundation that scholars can build upon as they continue to make consequential contributions to the study of power.
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L'objectif de cet article est de revenir sur un point saillant de la théorie de la performativité des énoncés économiques, c'est-à-dire l'importance qu'elle accorde aux dispositifs techniques dans l'explication de l'influence des théories économiques sur le monde social. Cette démarche débouche sur le refus de mobiliser les catégories sociales (institution, convention, norme sociale, etc.) dans les explications qu'elle produit. On soulignera ici l'origine de cette posture épistémologique, la théorie de l'acteur-réseau, avant d'en faire la critique. On montrera principalement que penser les dispositifs techniques nécessite impérativement de les penser au sein d'un contexte conventionnel particulier. Dès lors, le rejet des catégories sociales est épistémologiquement contre-productif dans les études de performativité
Resumo:
This study examined some basic health care approaches toward human needs, with a particular focus on nursing. We aimed to incorporate these approaches into the discussion of the mental health of adolescent offenders who consume alcohol. We discuss specific needs of the delinquent group, critique policies that prioritize coercion of adolescent offenders, and the role that nurses could play in the sphere of juvenile delinquency.
Resumo:
Aim Structure of the Thesis In the first article, I focus on the context in which the Homo Economicus was constructed - i.e., the conception of economic actors as fully rational, informed, egocentric, and profit-maximizing. I argue that the Homo Economicus theory was developed in a specific societal context with specific (partly tacit) values and norms. These norms have implicitly influenced the behavior of economic actors and have framed the interpretation of the Homo Economicus. Different factors however have weakened this implicit influence of the broader societal values and norms on economic actors. The result is an unbridled interpretation and application of the values and norms of the Homo Economicus in the business environment, and perhaps also in the broader society. In the second article, I show that the morality of many economic actors relies on isomorphism, i.e., the attempt to fit into the group by adopting the moral norms surrounding them. In consequence, if the norms prevailing in a specific group or context (such as a specific region or a specific industry) change, it can be expected that actors with an 'isomorphism morality' will also adapt their ethical thinking and their behavior -for the 'better' or for the 'worse'. The article further describes the process through which corporations could emancipate from the ethical norms prevailing in the broader society, and therefore develop an institution with specific norms and values. These norms mainly rely on mainstream business theories praising the economic actor's self-interest and neglecting moral reasoning. Moreover, because of isomorphism morality, many economic actors have changed their perception of ethics, and have abandoned the values prevailing in the broader society in order to adopt those of the economic theory. Finally, isomorphism morality also implies that these economic actors will change their morality again if the institutional context changes. The third article highlights the role and responsibility of business scholars in promoting a systematic reflection and self-critique of the business system and develops alternative models to fill the moral void of the business institution and its inherent legitimacy crisis. Indeed, the current business institution relies on assumptions such as scientific neutrality and specialization, which seem at least partly challenged by two factors. First, self-fulfilling prophecy provides scholars with an important (even if sometimes undesired) normative influence over practical life. Second, the increasing complexity of today's (socio-political) world and interactions between the different elements constituting our society question the strong specialization of science. For instance, economic theories are not unrelated to psychology or sociology, and economic actors influence socio-political structures and processes, e.g., through lobbying (Dobbs, 2006; Rondinelli, 2002), or through marketing which changes not only the way we consume, but more generally tries to instill a specific lifestyle (Cova, 2004; M. K. Hogg & Michell, 1996; McCracken, 1988; Muniz & O'Guinn, 2001). In consequence, business scholars are key actors in shaping both tomorrow's economic world and its broader context. A greater awareness of this influence might be a first step toward an increased feeling of civic responsibility and accountability for the models and theories developed or taught in business schools.
Resumo:
Cette thèse doctorale étudie le rôle de la citoyenneté Suisse et le modèle libérale de l'Etat social dans la production du racisme institutionnel au sein des services sociaux en Suisse. Cette thèse pose la question comment le régime de la citoyenneté Suisse rend possible et contraint les travailleurs sociaux à racialiser et discriminer leur clients avec des différences culturelles alors que les normes de l'aide sociale (normes de CSIAS) ne prévoient pas des traitements différentialistes selon la culture ou l'origine. Le modèle théorique du racisme institutionnel développé se passe sur une approche néo- institutionaliste et des ethnie and racial studies, prenant en compte le niveau individuel, collectif et institutionnel. En incluant ces deux approches, on dépasse le déterminisme des structuralistes dans les études sur le racisme institutionnel. Cette recherche qualitative montre que les travailleurs sociaux utilisent les ressources de la citoyenneté Suisse, de l'Etat social Suisse et leur expériences personnelles quand ils interagissent avec des clients. En plus, cette thèse démontre que le workfare logique en combinaison avec l'idée de l'assimilation culturelle rend possible la production d'un discours sur la nécessité de mériter d'être un membre de la communauté nationale et d'accéder à l'aide sociale. Cette compréhension néo-libérale de la citoyenneté renforce et légitime les travailleurs sociaux de racialiser et pratiquer la discrimination à l'égard de leurs clients et les rend incapable de développer une réflexivité critique. Toutefois, cette thèse montre également que les travailleurs sociaux produisent du travail social interculturel s'ils ont pu développer une telle réflexivité critique dans les institutions de l'aide sociale qui mettent en avant une conception "individuelle" de l'aide sociale.-Cette thèse vise à aller au-delà du silence qui constitue les débats publiques et la recherche sur le racisme au sein des institutions publiques en Suisse. - This thesis questions the role of the Swiss citizenship regime and the Swiss liberal social welfare model in the production of institutional racism in social services in Switzerland. Considering the absence of intercultural formal guidelines in the norms of social welfare (SKOS norms), this research investigates how the Swiss citizenship regime constrains and enables social workers to racialise and discriminate against their clients with cultural differences. This thesis develops a model of institutional racism, taking into account ethnic and racial studies and a neo-institutionalist approach on institutions, addressing the individual, collective and institutional level. In this framework, this thesis allows to overcome the structuralist determinism in the studies on institutional racism. Based on a qualitative inquiry, this research shows that social workers use the resources from the Swiss citizenship regime, social welfare model and their personal experiences when they interact with their clients. This study also shows that the workfare logic in combination with the idea of cultural assimilation enables to produce a discourse on deserving social welfare and earning membership to the national community. This neo-liberal citizenship understanding reinforces and legitimises social workers to racialise and discriminate against their clients and hinders them to develop critical reflexivity. However, this thesis also shows that social workers are able to produce intercultural social work when they could develop such a reflexivity in social services with an "individual" social welfare conceptions. This thesis aims to go beyond a persisting silence regarding public debates and research on racism in public institutions in Switzerland.
Resumo:
Combining theories on social trust and social capital with sociopsychological approaches and applying contextual analyses to Swiss and European survey data, this thesis examines under what circumstances generalised trust, often understood as public good, may not benefit everyone, but instead amplify inequality. The empirical investigation focuses on the Swiss context, but considers different scales of analysis. Two broader questions are addressed. First, might generalised trust imply more or less narrow visions of community and solidarity in different contexts? Applying nonlinear principal component analysis to aggregate indicators, Study 1 explores inclusive and exclusive types of social capital in Europe, measured as regional configurations of generalised trust, civic participation and attitudes towards diversity. Study 2 employs multilevel models to examine how generalised trust, as an individual predisposition and an aggregate climate at the level of Swiss cantons, is linked to equality- directed collective action intention versus radical right support. Second, might high-trust climates impact negatively on disadvantaged members of society, precisely because they reflect a normative discourse of social harmony that impedes recognition of inequality? Study 3 compares how climates of generalised trust at the level of Swiss micro-regions and subjective perceptions of neighbourhood cohesion moderate the negative relationship between socio-economic disadvantage and mental health. Overall, demonstrating beneficial, as well as counterintuitive effects of social trust, this thesis proposes a critical and contextualised approach to the sources and dynamics of social cohesion in democratic societies. -- Cette thèse combine des théories sur le capital social et la confiance sociale avec des approches psychosociales et s'appuie sur des analyses contextuelles de données d'enquêtes suisses et européennes, afin d'étudier dans quelles circonstances la confiance généralisée, souvent présentée comme un bien public, pourrait ne pas bénéficier à tout le monde, mais amplifier les inégalités. Les études empiriques, centrées sur le contexte suisse, intègrent différentes échelles d'analyse et investiguent deux questions principales. Premièrement, la confiance généralisée implique-t-elle des visions plus ou moins restrictives de la communauté et de la solidarité selon le contexte? Dans l'étude 1, une analyse à composantes principales non-linéaire sur des indicateurs agrégés permet d'explorer des types de capital social inclusif et exclusif en Europe, mesurés par des configurations régionales de confiance généralisée, de participation civique, et d'attitudes envers la diversité. L'étude 2 utilise des modèles multiniveaux afin d'analyser comment la confiance généralisée, en tant que prédisposition individuelle et climat agrégé au niveau des cantons suisses, est associée à l'intention de participer à des actions collectives en faveur de l'égalité ou, au contraire, à l'intention de voter pour la droite radicale. Deuxièmement, des climats de haute confiance peuvent-ils avoir un impact négatif sur des membres désavantagés de la société, précisément parce qu'ils reflètent un discours normatif d'harmonie sociale qui empêche la reconnaissance des inégalités? L'étude 3 analyse comment des climats de confiance au niveau des micro-régions suisses et la perception subjective de faire partie d'un environnement cohésif modèrent la relation négative entre le désavantage socio-économique et la santé mentale. En démontrant des effets bénéfiques mais aussi contre-intuitifs de la confiance sociale, cette thèse propose une approche critique et contextualisée des sources et dynamiques de la cohésion sociale dans les sociétés démocratiques.
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Cette thèse étudie l'engagement des intellectuels de gauche dans la vie politique suisse, de 1945 à 1968. D'une part, il s'agit de retracer l'évolution du statut des intellectuels, que ce soit dans ou hors des partis. D'autre part, il est question d'analyser les débats politiques au sein desquels ces intellectuels furent impliqués, et la manière dont ces débats suscitèrent des clivages entre eux. De ce point de vue, nous mettons en lumière les différents courants et groupes formés par les intellectuels progressistes, souvent structurés autour de revues ; il s'agit aussi bien d'étudier l'engagement de personnalités sociales-démocrates que des communistes prosoviétiques, sans oublier les chrétiens pacifistes ou les intellectuels proches de la gauche radicale antistalinienne. S'agissant de l'évolution du statut des acteurs étudiés, ce travail souligne le déclin de la figure de l'intellectuel de gauche organiquement lié à son parti, souvent issu du milieu ouvrier, au profit d'intellectuels critiques, généralement au bénéfice d'une formation académique et revendiquant une certaine autonomie par rapport aux organisations politiques. Du point de vue des débats politiques, l'engagement des intellectuels de gauche est envisagé à la lumière de trois périodes. Tout d'abord, nous étudions la phase de l'immédiat après-guerre (1945-1949), marquée par une poussée de la gauche, y compris prosoviétique, qui met en cause le conservatisme politique issu des années de Mobilisation. Nous étudions ensuite les années les plus tendues de la guerre froide, entre 1950 et 1962, durant lesquelles la vie politique et intellectuelle en Suisse est dominée par un fort anticommunisme, auquel se rallient les dirigeants du Parti socialiste. Pourtant, l'engagement de certains intellectuels progressistes, en particulier dans le mouvement pacifiste, met en cause le consensus politique de guerre froide. Enfin, dans une troisième partie, nous montrons comment la critique intellectuelle de gauche se renforce après 1962, à la faveur de la détente Est-Ouest sur le plan international, et avec l'essor, en Suisse même, du mouvement des « non- conformistes ». Ce mouvement est animé par des intellectuels qui dénoncent le conservatisme helvétique, les excès de l'anticommunisme ou qui affirment leur solidarité avec les travailleurs immigrés en Suisse, aussi bien qu'avec les mouvements sociaux dans les pays du tiers-monde. Nous montrons en particulier comment l'engagement de ces intellectuels progressistes contribue à préparer le terrain pour les mobilisations de la jeunesse qui surviendront dans les « années 1968 ». -- This thesis adresses the political commitment of left-wing intellectuals in Switzerland between 1945 and 1968. It aims, on the one hand, to examine how the status of intellectuals developed within and outside of political parties. On the other hand, it endeavours to understand the political debates that involved and sometimes split these intellectuals. In this intent, we examine the various political orientations and formations that brought left-wing intellectuals together - often around dedicated periodicals - such as the Social-democratic, the Communist, the Christian Progressist or the anti-Stalinist Marxist movements. Regarding the evolving status of left-wing opinion leaders, we observe the decline of the organic, party-affiliated intellectuals - often from a working class background. By contrast, critical academics - left-wing oriented but.not directly linked to a political formation - became prevailing figures. Concerning left-wing intellectuals' involvement in the political debate, we differentiate three historical periods. Firstly, the immediate postwar years (1945-1949) were characterised by the strengthening of a left-wing faction, including pro-Soviet forces, which criticized the conservative political consensus built up during the War. Secondly, during the most tense years of the Cold War (1950-1962), the Swiss political and intellectual life became widely dominated by a strong anticommunism, supported by the Social-Democratic leaders. Still, the commitment of certain progressist intellectuals, particularly in the pacifist movement, called into question the political consensus resulting from the Cold War. This questioning strengthened after 1962, in the context of the Détente, corresponding to the rise of the "non-conformist" movement. This movement stemmed from progressist intellectuals, who criticized the Swiss conservatism, and the excesses of official anticommunism, while declaring their solidarity with immigrant workers or with the social movements in the Third World. We show in particular how these intellectuals paved the way for the youth mobilization due to occur in the "1968 years".