58 resultados para repatriation
Resumo:
In the literature on migration, as well as in social policies regarding this phenomenon, the situation of returning emigrants receives scant attention. This essay establishes an intricate connection between attitudes and policies that prevail in a country regarding emigration and those concerning immigration. The case of Italy provides a prime example for this as it once was a classical country of emigration, only to turn, in recent decades, into a country that appears highly attractive (and relatively accessible) to immigrants. The essay traces the pervasive ambiguity that characterizes this country’s attitudes towards emigration from the beginning of mass emigration shortly after the unification of Italy in 1868 to the emigration policies of the fascist regime of Mussolini and the post-World War II waves of emigration right through to the corresponding ambiguity concerning the status of immigrants in contemporary society, including the indifferent treatment of returning Italian emigrants who constitute a considerable numerical phenomenon. These reflections take their origin from the impending closure of a reception centre in Lazio, the Casa dell’Emigrante near Sant’Elia Fiumerapido, Province of Frosinone, ostensibly for financial reasons. This centre had been the only one of its kind in the whole of Italy dealing officially with the needs of repatriated Italians. It had assisted returning emigrants both with practical matters, such as negotiating the labyrinth of Italian bureaucracy , and with psychological implications of a return, which are often considerable given the time lag of experiences with current social realities and the frequently unrealistic expectations associated with the return. Questions of identity become highly acute in those circumstances. The threatened closure of the centre illustrates the unwillingness of the state to face up to the factual prevalence of migratory experiences in the country as a whole and as a core element of national history, experiences of migration in both directions. The statistics speak for themselves: of the 4.660.427 persons who left Italy between 1880 and 1950, 2.322.451 have returned, almost exactly 50%. To those have to be added 3.628.430 returnees of the 5.109.860 emigrants who left Italy between the end of World War II and 1976 for Europe alone. Attitudes towards people leaving changed ostensibly over time. In the first two decades after Unification parliament on the one hand wanted to show some concern over the fate of its citizens, not wanting to abandon those newly created citizens entirely to their own destiny, while on the other portraying their decisions to emigrate as expressions of individual liberty and responsibility and not necessitated by want and poverty. Emigrants had to prove, paradoxically that they had the requisite means to emigrate when in fact poverty was largely driving them to emigrate. To admit that publicly would have amounted to admission of economic and political failure made evident through emigration. In contrast to that Mussolini’s emigration policies not only enforced large population movements within the territory of Italy to balance unemployment between regions and particularly between North and South, but also declared it citizen’s duty to be ready to move also to the colonies, thereby ‘turning emigration as a sign of social crisis into a sign of national strength and the success of the country’s political agenda’ (Gaspari 2001, p. 34). The duplicity continued even after World War II when secret deals were done with the USA to allow a continuous flow of Italian immigrants and EU membership obviously further facilitated the departure of unemployed, impoverished Italians. With the growing prosperity of Italy the reversal of the direction of migration became more obvious. On the basis of empirical research conducted by one of the author on returning emigrants four types of motives for returning can be distinguished: 1. Return as a result of failure – particularly the emigrants who left during the 1950-1970 period usually had no linguistic preparation, and in any case the gap between the spoken and the written language is enormous with the latter often being insurmountable. This gives rise to nostalgic sentiments which motivates a return into an environment where language is familiar 2. Return as a means of preserving an identity – the life of emigrants often takes place within ghetto-like conditions where familiarity is being reproduced but under restricted conditions and hence not entirely authentic. The necessity for saving money permits only a partial entry into the host society and at the same time any accumulating savings add to the desire to return home where life can be lived fully again – or so it seems. 3. Return of investment – the impossibility to become fully part of another society often motivates migrants to accumulate not so much material wealth but new experiences and competences which they then aim to reinvest in their home country. 4. Return to retire – for many emigrants returning home becomes acute once they leave a productive occupation and feelings of estrangement build up, in conjunction with the efforts of having invested in building a house back home. All those motives are associated with a variety of difficulties on the actual return home because, above all, time in relation to the country of origin has been suspended for the emigrant and the encounter with the reality of that country reveals constant discrepancies and requires constant readjustment. This is where the need for assistance to returning emigrants arises. The fact that such an important centre of assistance has been closed is further confirmation of the still prevailing politics of ambiguity which nominally demand integration from nationals and non-nationals alike but deny the means of achieving this. Citizenship is not a natural result of nationality but requires the means for active participation in society. Furthermore, the experiences of returning immigrants provide important cues for the double ambivalence in which immigrants to Italy live between the demands made on them to integrate, the simultaneous threats of repatriation and the alienation from the immigrants’ home country which grows inexorably during the absence. The state can only regain its credibility by putting an end to this ambiguity and provide to returning emigrants, and immigrants alike, the means of reconstructing strong communal identities.
Resumo:
QUESTIONS UNDER STUDY Many persons are travelling all over the world; the elderly with pre-existing diseases also travel to places with less developed health systems. Reportedly, fewer than 0.5% of all travellers need repatriation. We aimed to analyse and examine people who are injured or ill while abroad, where they travelled to and by what means they were repatriated. METHODS Retrospective cross-sectional study with adult patients repatriated to a single level 1 trauma centre in Switzerland (2000-2011). RESULTS A total of 372 patients were repatriated, with an increasing trend per year. Of these, 67% were male; the median age was 56 years. Forty-nine percent sustained an injury, and 13% had surgical and 38% medical pathologies. Patients with medical conditions were older than those with injuries or surgical emergencies (p <0.001). Seventy-three percent were repatriated from Europe. For repatriation from Africa trauma was slightly more frequent (53%, n = 17) than illnesses, whereas for most other countries illnesses and trauma were equally distributed. Injured patients had a median Injury Severity Score of 8. The majority of illnesses involved the nervous system (38%), mainly stroke. Forty-five percent were repatriated by Swiss Air Ambulance, 26% by ground ambulance, 18% by scheduled flights with or without medical assistance and two patients injured near the Swiss boarder by helicopter. The 28-day mortality was 4%. CONCLUSIONS The numbers of travellers repatriated increased from 2000 to 2011. About half were due to illnesses and half due to injuries. The largest group were elderly Swiss nationals repatriated from European countries. As mortality is relatively high, special consideration to this group of patients is warranted.
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In order to prevent, suppress and punish human trafficking, bilateral agreements between origin of victim countries and destination countries are crucial, because their cooperation involves cross-border activities such as repatriation of victims, extradition of criminals and information-sharing. This article analyzes three bilateral legal instruments between The Government of The Kingdom of Thailand and her three neighboring countries, namely The Royal Government of Cambodia, The Government of Lao People's Democratic Republic and The Government of The Union of Myanmar. The analysis will examine the legal status of the victim, the victim as witness in criminal proceedings, the victim protection programs, the recovery and restitution of damages, the process of repatriating the victim, and the prosecution of the criminal.
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This paper offers a brief analysis of the legal aspects of the ethnic return migration policy of Kazakhstan, a post-Soviet Central Asian state that has been active in seeking ties with its diaspora since independence. This paper examines the definition of oralman (repatriates) and the establishment of a quota on the number of Kazakh immigrants who are eligible for government funds to show how the rationale and preferences in repatriation policy have changed over the years. By focusing on changes in migration-related legislation in the late 2000s and early 2010s, the paper notes that two key goals of Kazakhstan’s migration policy are not necessarily consistent with each other: the promotion of an ethnically based nation-building project by encouraging the "return" of co-ethnics living abroad, and building a workforce that is best suited for the development of the state’s economy.
Resumo:
The Dutch government set out the results of its review of EU competences on June 21st, under the slogan “European where necessary, national where possible”, claiming that the EU does not adequately respect the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality. It published a list of 54 points for corrective action, which Michael Emerson assesses in this new CEPS Commentary. The political significance of this initiative is heightened because it comes alongside the UK's ongoing review of EU competences, although unlike the British, the Dutch make no mention of secession, treaty changes or repatriation of competences.
Resumo:
This paper is the second in a series for a CEPS project entitled “The British Question and the Search for a Fresh European Narrative”. It is pegged on an ambitious exercise by the British government to review all the competences of the European Union on the basis of evidence submitted by independent stakeholders. In all, 32 sectoral policy reviews are being produced over the period 2013-2015, as input into public information and debate leading up to a referendum on whether the UK should remain in, or secede from, the EU, planned for 2017. This second set of reviews covers a broad range of EU policies (for the single market for goods, external trade, transport policy, environment, climate change, research, asylum, non-EU immigration, civil judicial cooperation, tourism, culture and sport). The findings confirm what emerged from the first set of reviews, namely that there is little or no case for repatriation of EU competences at the level they are defined in the treaties. This does not exclude that at a more detailed level there can be individual actions or laws that might be done better or not at all. However, that is the task of all the institutions to work at on a regular basis, and hardly a rationale for secession. For the UK in particular the EU has shown considerable flexibility in agreeing to special arrangements, such as in the case of the policies here reviewed of asylum, non-EU immigration and civil judicial cooperation. In other areas reviewed here, such as the single market for goods, external trade, transport, environment, climate change and research, there is a good fit between the EU’s policies and UK priorities, with the EU perceived by stakeholders as an ‘amplifier’ of British interests.
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Includes Ley de 6 de Agosto de 1906.
Resumo:
Für deutsche Migranten des 19. Jahrhunderts war Großbritannien eines der wichtigsten Zielländer innerhalb Europas. Zum ersten Mal wird eine der zahlreichen deutsch-ethnischen Kolonien einer mikrohistorischen Untersuchung unterzogen. Die Perspektive erlaubt quellengestützt genauere Aussagen zu Themenkomplexen wie Wanderungsverhalten, Berufsstruktur oder ethnischer Selbstorganisation. In Glasgow bildete sich ein dichtes Netz an ethnischen Vereinigungen, das sich nach Kriegsausbruch unter dem germanophoben Druck der britischen Öffentlichkeit sowie staatlichen Maßnahmen wie Internierung, Repatriierung oder Enteignung fast vollständig auflöste. Die Glasgower Fallstudie wird durch zahlreiche Querverweise auf andere Regionen und Länder in einen größeren migrationsgeschichtlichen Rahmen eingeordnet. German migrants of the 19th century. Century Britain was one of the main destination countries within Europe. One of the many German ethnic colonies of a micro historical investigation is subjected for the first time. The perspective allows more detailed statements on topics such as migratory behavior, occupational structure or ethnic self-organization source based. A dense network of ethnic associations that almost completely disbanded after war germanophoben pressure from the British public and Government measures such as detention, repatriation or expropriation was formed in Glasgow. The Glasgow case study are classified by numerous cross-references to other regions and countries within a larger migration history.
Resumo:
German migrants were to be found in significant numbers in the British hospitality industry during the period 1880 to 1920. They worked as waiters, chefs, and managers of restaurants and hotels. This article has three main sections. It begins with a brief outline of the rise of restaurants and hotels in late nineteenth-century Britain and the role of migrants in this process. It then analyses the Germans in the British hospitality industry in the decades leading up to the First World War. The article then focuses upon the rise of hostility towards Germans with the approach of the Great War, which led to dismissal, internment and repatriation during the conflict.
Resumo:
This dissertation explores the political exclusion and reintegration of families and individuals in Córdoba, Argentina during the early nineteenth-century. Part one is an examination of how Federals in Córdoba managed the process of political identification and purge. Federals set up ad hoc institutions that were responsible for targeting political subversives within provincial communities. From 1831 to 1852, Federals managed to target, or “classify,” over 400 individuals and families in various towns and villages as “savage Unitarians,” a political label that meant the certain loss of rights, property, exile, and worse. Federals also sought active participation among “citizens” from all levels of society. Thus, I argue that the process of correctly identifying a “savage Unitarian” in Córdoba was constantly subject to modification at the local level. I also reconstruct the stories of accused families as they struggled to survive the political purges. Many of the families were large landowners and wealthy merchants, confirming that early republican Argentine political struggles were often intra-elite affairs. However, the “classified” individuals and families also represented a variety of socio-economic, ethnic, and racial groups. ^ The second part of this study focuses on families who petitioned Federal authorities for the restitution of rights and property. They proclaimed their loyalty to the “Federal cause,” and often, they had friends and family who could vouch for their claims. These petitions forced Federal authorities to doubt the precision of political identification and re-think how the ideology of Federalism was defined. Authorities granted most requests for repatriation, thereby creating a process of reintegration that included amnesty and restitution. Yet, this system failed to repair the psychological, emotional, materials, and political effects of political purge. Conflicts between society and state led to numerous misunderstandings about what restitution, justice, and reconciliation meant. The new regime's leaders more often denied restitution claims to formerly accused families and individuals, demonstrating that the journey from “savage” to citizen left an indelible imprint on family life in mid-nineteenth century Argentina. ^
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After the outbreak of war, civilians of Central Power nationality were declared ‘enemy aliens’ throughout the British Empire. Scotland serves as a representative case history to analyse patterns of public Germanophobia, ethnic minority displacement, internment, and repatriation. The Stobs camp in the Scottish Borders region was one of the biggest camps in the Empire. Internees were affected by the depressive ‘barbed wire disease’ and organised a plethora of activities. Those who were repatriated faced destitution in Germany. Neither in Britain nor in Germany have they been included in remembrance cultures. Within wider debates about the totalisation of warfare during World War I, the article takes on a global perspective to argue in favour of a stronger emphasis on civilian suffering.
Resumo:
La controversia ha acechado siempre a los museos, en especial, pero desde luego no de forma exclusiva, a aquellos museos de arte que exponen el arte moderno y contemporáneo. Probablemente siempre habrá controversias, ya que son ocasiones en las que el museo ha de enfrentarse directamente a un interrogatorio público sobre sus decisiones y procesos, a menudo demasiado ocultas y con frecuencia mal entendidas. Dado el creciente reconocimiento de que ya no es suficiente para los museos coleccionar, conservar y mostrar, sino más bien que los museos deben ahora comprometerse fundamental y directamente con sus comunidades, ¿cómo pueden los museos gestionar la controversia? ¿Pueden los museos aprender de la controversia para descubrir formas mejores de trabajar con sus públicos? Este artículo examinará tres controversias en los museos canadienses – Los cantos del espíritu, Voz de Fuego y Vanitas o El vestido de carne - en un intento de analizar estas preguntas usando los conceptos ANT de Bruno Latour.
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A história dos cerca de 7000 prisioneiros de guerra portugueses, capturados na frente ocidental, a maioria na sequência da Batalha de La Lys, foi praticamente inexistente até ao final do século passado. Conhecer as diferentes dimensões desta problemática permitirá uma abordagem mais abrangente à participação de Portugal na Grande Guerra e à questão dos prisioneiros de guerra, em particular. O presente trabalho de investigação teve como objetivo analisar o apoio das instituições cívicas aos prisioneiros de guerra. Para tal, através de um estudo de natureza qualitativa e de pesquisa histórica, procurámos compreender as razões que levaram o Estado a tardar no apoio aos prisioneiros, identificar as instituições que se destacaram nesse apoio e, por fim, analisar a interação entre as principais entidades responsáveis, procurando compreender o volume e os efeitos do auxílio prestado, desde o momento da captura até ao seu repatriamento. Assim, verificámos a existência de duas instituições que desempenharam um papel fundamental no apoio aos prisioneiros. O Comité de Socorros aos Militares e Civis Prisioneiros de Guerra e a Comissão Central de Assistência. Em união de esforços e apoiadas, posteriormente, pelo delegado do Serviço de Prisioneiros de Guerra, tornaram possível a assistência aos militares portugueses cativos na Alemanha. Abstract: The history of around 7000 Portuguese prisoners of war, captured on the western front, the majority following the Battle of the Lys, was virtually non-existent until the end of the last century. Knowing the various dimensions of this problem will allow a more comprehensive approach to the study of the Portuguese participation in the Great War, and in particular to the issue of prisoners of war. This research paper aimed to analyze the support of civic institutions to prisoners of war. To this end, through a qualitative study and historical research, we sought to understand the reasons for the state belated support to prisoners, identify the institutions that stood out in this support and, finally, to analyze the interaction between the main responsible actors, seeking to understand the volume and the effects of the aid provided from the moment of capture to their repatriation. Thus, we found that there were two main institutions that played a key role in supporting prisoners. The Committee of Aid to the Military and Civilian Prisoners of War and the Central Assistance Commission. In joint efforts and later supported by the delegate of the Prisoners of War Service they made it possible to assist the Portuguese military captives in Germany.