982 resultados para port city regeneration


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This paper looks at urban regeneration in Belfast as a stage on which the interaction between different structural dynamics (political, economic and cultural) is manifested in the city. It discusses how contested ideas of ‘space’, ‘place’ and ‘territory’ frame the ways in which Belfast has changed over recent years and asks if regeneration itself has the potential to transform the dynamic of deep-rooted ethno-national divisions. The research question is explored through a case study of proposed urban regeneration in north Belfast. It is found that, while there is evidence of transition to less exclusivistic attitudes in leisure and work spaces, asymmetrical conflict over residential space persists in ways which reproduce deep-rooted political and cultural patterns of territorial fixity and division.

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This paper highlights the role of narratives in expressing, shaping and ordering urban life, and as tools for analysing urban conflicts. The paper distinguishes analytically between two prominent epistemological meta-narratives in contemporary urban studies and multiple ontological narratives in a given city-in this case Belfast. The first meta-narrative represents cities as sites of deepening coercion, violence and inequality and the second sees them as engines of new forms of transnational capitalism. Both are marked by the strategy of specifying 'exemplar' or 'paradigm' cities. The core of the paper addresses how these two meta-narratives map onto and interact with, three contemporary ontological narratives of urban regeneration in Belfast. We conceive of narratives-epistemological and ontological-as analytical tools and objects of analysis but also as tools for social action for competing political and economic interests and coalitions. While in the urban studies literature Belfast is typically studied as an exemplar 'conflict city', it is now being promoted as a 'new capitalist city'. In the context of post-Agreement Belfast, we explore not only the 'pull' of exemplar narratives but also resistances to them that are linked to multiple and hybrid senses of place in the city. We conclude that any significant move beyond the exigencies of rampant commodification or recurring inter-communal antagonism must firstly, encourage new forms of grassroots place-making and, secondly, reform of Belfast's (and Northern Ireland's) fragmented governance structures. © 2013 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.

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Regeneration projects take place within complex local policy environments and are also influenced by the global doctrine of neoliberalism, although the degree of influence will vary depending upon the historical, economic, social and political context. This article reviews and reflects upon the complexity of a neoliberalising policy environment in the regeneration of the divided city of Belfast. The territorial conflict in Northern Ireland has been expressed spatially and has thus affected urban regeneration. These issues are illustrated by a case study of the regeneration of the Crumlin Road Gaol and Girdwood Park in North Belfast, which sought to include both a neoliberalised economic development agenda and efforts to improve community relations through the promotion of shared space. The paper asks whether the management of community cohesion in cities experiencing conflict requires state intervention that at times goes beyond the ‘roll out’ and ‘roll back’ distinction found in neoliberal theory.

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In the 1980s, urban re-imaging and place marketing were vital elements in the strategies of post-industrial cities aiming to redefine their role, make themselves more competitive and attract global investment and tourists. By the early 1990s, the questionable effects of trickle-down economics on deprived housing estates and the rediscovery of the 'community' as a social partner shifted both the substance and process of vision exercises. This paper examines the experience of building an input into a city vision that aimed to address social and ethno-religious segregation in Derry/Londonderry. Designing a consensus statement for a city that cannot agree its name, was wrecked by bloody violence and has its hinterland fractured by a contested international border, is a difficult and delicate process. The city had a population of 105 800 people in 1998, but is divided by the river Foyle between the mainly Catholic Cityside (to the north and west) and the mainly Protestant Waterside (to the south and east). The analysis connects with the literature on urban policy that emphasises the importance of argumentation and democratic debate in strategic planning and local regeneration (Forester, 1989; Healey, 1996). The paper concludes by arguing that strategies for 'listening' would help to shape a vision that could mobilise community interests around some common urban regional issues and help to promote social and ethno-religious polarisation as mainstream policy concerns.

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The future of Belfast is found in its plans – beginning with 1945 planning proposals to the recently adopted Belfast Metropolitan Area Plan, these documents have aimed to encourage and channel urban development processes to secure collective outcomes that enhance the public interest. Central to this objective has been the idea of ‘development’ and in this paper we interrogate the representation of this concept in the urban discourse of Belfast. We seek to do this by first exploring how ‘development’ and associated concepts are articulated in key spatial policy documents and then contrast these with examples of some of the key physical, spatial outcomes of economic processes that have occurred in the last ten years. The paper will review the dominant trajectories of urban change in Belfast, consider their implications and relate these to the official goals and aspirations represented in planning strategies and regeneration visions for the city. In doing this we draw on the recent work of Marcuse (2015) to identify how ideas of ‘development’ and ‘growth’ have been used to anonymise, harmonize and homogenise the outcomes of these spatial processes. The paper will conclude by considering how Belfast’s urban discourse acts to suppresses alternative visions of the city and explores the potential consequences of this for the new governance arrangements for planning in Belfast.

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The site of present-day St. Catharines was settled by 3000 United Empire Loyalists at the end of the 18th century. From 1790, the settlement (then known as "The Twelve") grew as an agricultural community. St. Catharines was once referred to Shipman's Corners after Paul Shipman, owner of a tavern that was an important stagecoach transfer point. In 1815, leading businessman William Hamilton Merritt abandoned his wharf at Queenston and set up another at Shipman's Corners. He became involved in the construction and operation of several lumber and gristmills along Twelve Mile Creek. Shipman's Corners soon became the principal milling site of the eastern Niagara Peninsula. At about the same time, Merritt began to develop the salt springs that were discovered along the river which subsequently gave the village a reputation as a health resort. By this time St. Catharines was the official name of the village; the origin of the name remains obscure, but is thought to be named after Catharine Askin Robertson Hamilton, wife of the Hon. Robert Hamilton, a prominent businessman. Merritt devised a canal scheme from Lake Erie to Lake Ontario that would provide a more reliable water supply for the mills while at the same time function as a canal. He formed the Welland Canal Company, and construction took place from 1824 to 1829. The canal and the mills made St. Catharines the most important industrial centre in Niagara. By 1845, St. Catharines was incorporated as a town, with the town limits extending in 1854. Administrative and political functions were added to St. Catharines in 1862 when it became the county seat of Lincoln. In 1871, construction began on the third Welland Canal, which attracted additional population to the town. As a consequence of continual growth, the town limits were again extended. St. Catharines attained city status in 1876 with its larger population and area. Manufacturing became increasingly important in St. Catharines in the early 1900s with the abundance of hydro-electric power, and its location on important land and water routes. The large increase in population after the 1900s was mainly due to the continued industrialization and urbanization of the northern part of the city and the related expansion of business activity. The fourth Welland Canal was opened in 1932 as the third canal could no longer accommodate the larger ships. The post war years and the automobile brought great change to the urban form of St. Catharines. St. Catharines began to spread its boundaries in all directions with land being added five times during the 1950s. The Town of Merritton, Village of Port Dalhousie and Grantham Township were all incorporated as part of St. Catharines in 1961. In 1970 the Province of Ontario implemented a regional approach to deal with such issues as planning, pollution, transportation and services. As a result, Louth Township on the west side of the city was amalgamated, extending the city's boundary to Fifteen Mile Creek. With its current population of 131,989, St. Catharines has become the dominant centre of the Niagara region. Source: City of St. Catharines website http://www.stcatharines.ca/en/governin/HistoryOfTheCity.asp (January 27, 2011)

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Benjamin Pawling and Peter Ten Broeck were the earliest known settlers of this area. The village of Port Dalhousie owes its existence to the building of the first Welland Canal in 1824. The village was incorporated in 1862 and as a town in 1948. In the early 1960s it became amalgamated with the city of St. Catharines. Port Dalhousie remains a distinctive part of the city today (2009).

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Cette thèse analyse la capacité d’action collective des populations marginalisées situées respectivement dans un bidonville appelé Cité de l’Éternel à Port-au-Prince (Haïti) et dans des campements à la Sierra Santa Catarina, Iztapalapa (Mexico). À Port-au-Prince, avant la chute de la dictature des Duvalier, des «tontons macoutes» envahirent un terrain situé en bordure du quai de la capitale, près du boulevard Harry Truman. Après s’y être installés, ils ont procédé à la vente de parcelles destinées à la construction de logement à des particuliers. Mais après la chute de Jean-Claude Duvalier, en 1986, des gens de la populace en ont profité pour envahir ce qui restait de ces terrains marécageux. Après l’occupation, ils se sont organisés pour défendre collectivement leur propriété avant d’entreprendre, par la suite, des démarches pour y amener des services et obtenir la régularisation de leur situation sur ces territoires. À la Sierra Santa Catarina, des populations conduites par des militants d’un Front populaire ont occupé des terrains situés au pied d’une montagne de sable afin d’accéder à la propriété et de construire leur demeure. À l’instar des populations de la Cité, ces gens se sont organisés pour aménager des espaces, y ériger des logements provisoires, monter la garde afin de ne pas être déguerpis par les forces de police. Tout en travaillant pour accéder à leur manière aux services de base, elles entreprennent des actions auprès des institutions publiques afin d’obtenir la régularisation de leur situation. Par rapport à la capacité d’action collective de ces populations, les théories sociologiques sont divisées. D’un côté, certains auteurs soutiennent la thèse de l’incapacité de ces populations d’avoir des intérêts collectifs et d’agir en conséquence. Selon eux, sans une médiation sociale ou à défaut d’une agrégation et d’une représentation politiques, ces populations sont incapables d’avoir une subjectivité collective. De l’autre, des auteurs pensent qu’à partir des liens d’amitié de parenté et de voisinage, indépendamment de leurs situations socioéconomiques, ces populations peuvent créer des stratégies de subsistance et de luttes qui leur permettent de trouver des solutions à des problèmes tant individuels que collectifs. S’agissant des populations qui envahissent des terrains en milieu urbain pour habiter, les actions de ces gens là sont définis déjà comme une forme d’action collective inscrite dans des rapports sociaux qui se caractérisent par la différenciation entre les groupes sociaux dans l’accès à la propriété. Ainsi, leurs revendications de reconnaissance et de régularisation auprès des instances étatiques sont déterminées par leur mode d’accès aux biens et aux richesses inégalement réparties en Haïti et au Mexique. Les populations des deux territoires ont entrepris diverses démarches auprès de certaines institutions et réalisé des actions collectives soit pour amener des services de base tels que l’eau et l’électricité, soit pour obtenir de l’État la reconnaissance des territoires envahis, c’est-à-dire leur jonction à la cartographie de la ville. Cette reconnaissance implique non seulement l’installation des services réguliers au bénéfice de la population mais aussi l’octroi à chaque propriétaire de son titre de propriété. Si dans le cas de la Sierra Santa Catarina les démarches sont entreprises auprès des institutions publiques, dans celui de Port-au-Prince, ce sont les ONG ou les agence de coopération qui sont touchées et qui fournissent certains services à la population conformément à la priorité de leurs bailleurs de fonds. Les interventions auprès de l’État se font plutôt dans le but d’obtenir une autorisation de fonctionnement d’une association locale. Il ressort des approches théoriques et des actions collectives réalisées par ces populations qu’on ne peut pas dire qu’elles sont incapables d’avoir une subjectivité collective et des intérêts communs sans une agrégation et une représentation politique. À partir de différents liens entre les individus, des associations sont créées lesquelles permettent d’établir une médiation entre les populations et d’autres organismes. Dans le cas des campements, les actions collectives sont certainement mises à contribution par quelques leaders. Cela participe de toute une tradition politique au Mexique. Néanmoins, dans certains campements, des populations parviennent à tenir tête jusqu’à révoquer certains leaders. Au-delà de leur situation socioéconomique, de l’emprise de certains dirigeants de campement, de l’indifférence de l’État (dans le cas de Port-au-Prince, notamment), ces populations font preuve d’une étonnante capacité critique de leur situation tant dans leurs relations avec les dirigeants des associations et des campements que par rapport à l’État. Ceci pourrait soulever des doutes quant à la possibilité qu’elles soient réellement ou inconsciemment manipulées. Cela suggère la possibilité d’actions collectives autonomes de portée critique là où les circonstances le permettent Mots clés : Marginalisation, action collective, reconnaissance, Débrouille, capacité critique, bidonvilles, instrumentalisation politique, reconnaissance fragmentée.

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Port-au-Prince, la ville la plus peuplée des Caraïbes est ceinturée de quartiers précaires connus sous l’appellation de bidonvilles. Ces quartiers construits généralement sur des terrains dangereux, envahis par une population en quête de logement, abritent la plus forte proportion des habitants de la ville. Ils constituent en même temps des lieux d’observation de l’inimaginable capacité des populations locales à garantir l’accès à certains services. À travers l’action d’une association locale évoluant à Village solidarité dans la zone métropolitaine de Port-au-Prince, nous avons étudié les apports et les limites des stratégies utilisées dans l’organisation de services publics d’électricité. L’analyse repose fondamentalement sur une approche de développement local reposant sur cinq notions complémentaires et interreliées qui sont les suivantes : le projet commun, l’appartenance et l’identité collective, les ressources, le leadership, l’opportunité politique. Les résultats de la recherche font état d’un projet commun aux contours assez flous qui reflète des insuffisances au niveau des modes de pensée, et au niveau des ressources matérielles et financières mises en jeu. Le style de leadership en place au sein de l’association est teinté de déterminisme religieux, pris au piège des manœuvres clientélistes des politiciens locaux et infantilisé par l’action des agences gouvernementales. A la fin de l’étude nous dégageons des pistes pour dynamiser les forces du milieu et réorienter l’action associative afin d’aller vers un projet collectif. Ces pistes reposent fondamentalement sur la transformation des modes de pensée influençant l’action et la transformation des pratiques organisationnelles.

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São Paulo is one of Latin America’s most modern and developed cities, yet around one-third of its 10 million inhabitants live in poor-quality housing in sub-standard settlements. This paper describes the response of the São Paulo municipal government that took office in 2001. Through its Secretariat of Housing and Urban Development, it designed a new policy framework with a strong emphasis on improving the quantity and quality of housing for low-income groups. Supported by new legislation, financial instruments and partnerships with the private sector, the mainstays of the new policy are integrated housing and urban development, modernization of the administrative system, and public participation in all decision-making and implementation processes. The programmes centre on upgrading and legalizing land tenure in informal settlements, and regeneration of the city centre. The new focus on valuing the investments that low-income groups have already made in their housing and settlements has proved to be more cost-effective than previous interventions, leading to improvements on an impressive scale.

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Hardcore, or long-term derelict and vacant brownfield sites which are often contaminated, form a significant proportion of brownfield land in many cities, not only in the UK but also in other countries. The recent economic recession has placed the economic viability of such sites in jeopardy. This paper compares the approaches for bringing back hardcore brownfield sites into use in England and Japan by focusing on ten case studies in Manchester and Osaka, using an `agency'-based frame- work. The findings are set in the context of (i) national brownfield and related policy agendas; (ii) recent trends in land and property markets in both England and Japan; and (iii) city-level comparisons of brownfields in Manchester and Osaka. The research, which was conducted during 2009 ^ 10, suggests that hardcore brownfield sites have been badly affected by the recent recession in both Manchester and Osaka. Despite this, not only is there evidence that hardcore sites have been successfully regenerated in both cities, but also that the critical success factors (CSFs) operating in bringing sites back into use share a large degree of commonality. These CSFs include the presence of strong potential markets, seeing the recession as an opportunity, long-term vision, strong branding, strong partnerships, integrated development, and getting infrastructure into place. Finally, the paper outlines the policy implications of the research.

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Recent ‘best practice’ research and guidance has emphasised the important role that can be played by retail-led urban regeneration projects, particularly in ‘under-served markets’ in the UK. This builds on ideas first formulated in the USA by Michael Porter through his close relationship with the Initiative for the Competitive Inner City (ICIC). This paper critically examines the role of retailing in urban regeneration nationally and locally in the UK, focusing on in-town shopping centres located in inner city areas of the UK. The paper is based on case study research in these centres, and was completed during 2003 for The Office of Science and Technology. The paper examines how employment impact in retail-led regeneration is commonly measured, and calls for more research to determine the real impact of retail in deprived communities using other, relevant measures.

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This research examines the role of retailing in urban regeneration nationally and locally in the UK. The research uses data at a national level and local shopping centre case studies to examine the employment and property impacts of retailing. Focusing on schemes built during the first part of the 1990s it shows that retail can bring employment and economic benefits to town centres, but that the impact on the inner city should not be overlooked. Valuable lessons can be learned from the experience of centres built during this period of recession, and new challenges such as eCommerce now face these centres and others being developed today. The research examines the multiplier effect of retail regeneration schemes nationally using National Accounts data, and the local property and employment impacts of shopping centre schemes in the case study towns of Aberdeen, Bristol, Norwich, Bromley, Worcester and Leicester. The report includes valuable statistical sources, a full literature and policy review and will be of interest to those involved in property investment, regeneration and planning. The research was funded by the Office of Science & Technology and the Harold Samuel Educational Trust.

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For those who make and admire artistic works, there is no question of their value. However, for others interested in economic development, the value of the arts is often more tangential, contested and questionable. While the post-modern world of consumption and spectacle suggests to some academics and governments that the arts and cultural industries are the way of the future, others remain sceptical about their social and economic value. This is a theoretical as well as a practical issue this paper explores by offering a reconceptualisation of Pierre Bourdieu's concept of cultural capital as a way of re-assessing the value of the arts. The paper then applies this framework to quantify and qualify the value of the arts in one regional city in Australia – Geelong in Victoria – focusing on the work of two artists. The aim is to describe the interconnected processes by which the arts generate cultural capital in the form of confidence, image, individual well-being, social cohesion and economic viability. The analysis also highlights the ongoing power relations which prescribe artistic production, circulation and valuation. The implications of such a rethinking and application go well beyond one city and region to other places grappling with the relationship between artistic production and urban well being. By focusing on the broad-ranging process by which artistic value is created for individuals, groups, professionals, communities and governments, a model becomes available for other places to use in realising their cultural capital.