900 resultados para politicians - women - The National Coalition Party
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The current study conceptualized observer reactions to uncivil behavior towards women as an ethical behavior and examined three factors (target reaction, actor motive, and actor-target relationship) that influence these reactions. Two vignette studies with women and men undergraduate and graduate students in western Switzerland were conducted. Study 1 (N=148) was a written vignette study that assessed how the reaction of female targets to incivility and the motives of actors influenced observer reactions. Results showed that a female target's reaction influenced observers' evaluations of the harm caused by an uncivil incident, and that an actor's motive affected observers' assessments of the necessity to intervene. Study 2 (N=81) was a video vignette study that assessed the effects of the reactions by female targets to incivility and the relationship between the target and the actor on observer reactions.We found that female targets' reactions influenced observers' evaluations of harm and the perceived necessity to intervene. Furthermore, the effect of a female target's reaction on observers' evaluations of harm was moderated by the relationship between the actor and the target: a female target who laughed at the uncivil behavior was perceived as less harmed, when she and the actor had a personal relationship than when they had a professional relationship. When the female target reacted hurt or neutrally, actor-target relationship did not affect observers' evaluations of harm. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for theory and practice.
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It is commonly believed that majority voting enhances parties to cluster around the centre of the political space, whereas proportional systems (PR) foster great ideological divergence. The theoretical arguments for these expectations go back to the work of Downs (1957) and Duverger (1954). More recent studies, however, produced quite contradictory empirical findings. In this paper I will test whether similar arguments hold true for the positioning of candidates campaigning in different electoral systems. The elections for the two chambers of the Swiss Parliament and the data from the Swiss Electoral Studies (SELECTS) and the Swiss Voting Advice Application (VAA) smartvote offer an excellent - almost laboratory like - opportunity to do so empirically. The analyses show clearly, the theoretical claims that majority voting necessarily fosters more moderate positions find no support. The candidates for the Council of States, elected in a majority system, are not more moderate than their fellow party candidates for the National Council which are elected in a PR system.
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and the Australian Country Party since 1918. 2. The thesis examines the proposition that the role of a minor party is determined, not by its total strength expressed as a percentage of the national vote, but by how its strength is concentrated. Australia and Britain were chosen for the comparison because of the many similarities in political culture and in the extent of class voting. Each country has a party - the Country Party in Australia and the Liberal Party in Britain - which has had a distinct impact on the political scene in their respective countries. In the period from 1918 to the present day neither party, at the national level, has ever held the largest number of seats in parliament let alone a majority of seats, and it is in this sense that they are herein defined as minor parties. In the thesis the constitutional background of and differences between Australia and Britain are reviewed, followed by a brief historical picture of each of the two parties being studied. The sources of supporc of the two parties are analysed and it is here that real differences emerge. The Country Party in Australia is a deliberately sectional party with a narrow rural base, whereas the British Liberal Party is more broadly based than either the Labour or Conservative Parties in Britain. 3. Party leadership and organisation are then discussed. Both parties have had outstanding leaders, Earle Page and McEwen for the Country Party; Asquith, Lloyd George and Grimond for the Liberal Party. Both parties have had relatively fewer leaders than their major party opponents. However, whereas the Country Party has been free of serious splits the Liberal Party was shattered on the leadership struggles of Asquith and Lloyd George. Both parties have been identified with decentralisation of state power, the Country Party through its support, albeit sometimes lukewarm of the New States Movement; the Liberal Party through its espousal of a federal system for Britain with separate Welsh, Scottish and regional assemblies. Unfortunately for the British Liberal Party the beneficiaries of their policies in this area have been relatively new nationalist parties in both Wales arid Scotland. The major part of the thesis is devoted to a study of how the electoral systems in the two countries have, in practice, worked to the advantage or disadvantage of the Country Party and the British Liberal Party. The Country Party has been as consistently over-represented in the House of Representatives as the Liberal Party has been under-represented in the British House of Commons. With the even distribution of its support the introduction of the single transferable vote, in itself, would bring little benefit to the British Liberal Party in terms of seats. Multimember urban constituencies combined with some type of list system are the only way the Liberals are likely to obtain House of Commons seats in proportion to their votes. 4. Finally, the relations of the two minor parties with their respective major parties are considered. In the conclusion the future of the two parties is reviewed. In general terms it appears that the Country Party is faced with a slow decline. Although the British Liberal Party made a major breakthrough, in terms of votes, in the February 1974 election, they were unable to maintain this momentum in the October election, even though they lost very little ground. In the long term they must make an inroad into Labour held seats if they are to progress further.
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El propósito de la presente monografía es evaluar el papel de las ONG internacionales en la apertura de espacios de participación política para la sociedad civil en Egipto. En ese sentido, se analiza el contexto de oportunidades políticas locales y transnacionales del país, así como los procesos de articulación entre la política local e internacional a través de los niveles de integración entre sus actores. Mediante una investigación de tipo cualitativa basada en los desarrollos sobre teorías de la acción colectiva planteados por Sidney Tarrow, Charles Tilly, Robert Benford y David Snow, y las teorías sobre redes transnacionales de defensa desarrolladas por Margaret Keck y Kathryn Sikkink, se avanza hacia la identificación del desarrollo de procesos de externalización como medio para el fortalecimiento de organizaciones locales como alternativa de oposición política.
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This chapter explores the politics around the role of agency in the UK climate change debate. Government interventions on the demand side of consumption have increasingly involved attempts to obtain greater traction with the values, attitudes and beliefs of citizens in relation to climate change and also in terms of influencing consumer behaviour at an individual level. With figures showing that approximately 40% of the UK’s carbon emissions are attributable to household and transport behaviour, policy initiatives have progressively focused on the facilitation of “sustainable behaviours”. Evidence suggests however, that mobilisation of pro-environmental attitudes in addressing the perceived “value-action gap” has so far had limited success. Research in this field suggests that there is a more significant and nuanced “gap” between context and behaviour; a relationship that perhaps provides a more adroit reflection of reasons why people do not necessarily react in the way that policy-makers anticipate. Tracing the development of the UK Government’s behaviour change agenda over the last decade, we posit that a core reason for the limitations of this programme relates to an excessively narrow focus on the individual. This has served to obscure some of the wider political and economic aspects of the debate in favour of a more simplified discussion. The second part of the chapter reports findings from a series of focus groups exploring some of the wider political views that people hold around household energy habits, purchase and use of domestic appliances, and transport behaviour-and discusses these insights in relation to the literature on the agenda’s apparent limitations. The chapter concludes by considering whether the aims of the Big Society approach (recently established by the UK’s Coalition Government) hold the potential to engage more directly with some of these issues or whether they merely constitute a “repackaging” of the individualism agenda.
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Background. Rubella vaccination is contraindicated during pregnancy. During mass immunization of women of childbearing age against rubella, women unknowingly pregnant may be vaccinated. To evaluate the effects of rubella vaccination during pregnancy, the Brazilian state of Sao Paulo conducted a follow-up study of pregnant women vaccinated during a rubella campaign in 2001.Methods. Women vaccinated during pregnancy were reported to a national surveillance system. In the state of Sao Paulo, follow-up of vaccinated women included household interviews. Serum samples from vaccinated women were tested for antirubella antibodies to classify susceptibility to rubella infection. Children born to susceptible mothers were tested for evidence of congenital rubella infection and evaluated for signs of congenital rubella syndrome.Results. The Sao Paulo State Health Department received 6473 notifications of women vaccinated during pregnancy. Serology performed for 5580 women identified 811 (15%) that were previously susceptible. Incidence of spontaneous abortion or stillbirth among previously susceptible vaccinated women was similar to women with prior immunity. Twenty-seven (4.7%) of 580 newborns tested had evidence of congenital rubella infection; none had congenital rubella syndrome.Conclusions. Mass rubella vaccination of women of childbearing age was not associated with adverse birth outcomes or congenital rubella syndrome among children born to women vaccinated during pregnancy.
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This dissertation investigated perspectives on cultural competence among African-American women patients, staff, and the administrator of a dental clinic serving people living with HIV/AIDS; and evaluated the role of the National Standards for Culturally and Linguistically Appropriate Services in Health Care (CLAS) in advancing the provision of culturally competent care in the clinic. ^ The study was qualitative with data collection via focus groups and individual interviews with a sample of African-American women patients, and individual interviews with a sample of staff and the clinic administrator. Transcripts were coded and themes identified using the software program ATLAS.ti. A cultural audit template was developed and applied to evaluate cultural competency. ^ Among attitudes and behaviors that contributed to the provision of culturally competent care at the clinic were respect and empathic communication. Formal cultural competency was not featured strongly in the methods by which the staff learned to work with diverse populations. Instead cultural competence among the staff was based on thoughtful hiring practices, natural aptitude and a climate that encouraged learning through informal sharing of experiences. The staff and administrator felt that an African-American dentist would be an asset in improving culturally competent care at the clinic. Previous research and national policy also promote the provider-patient racial/ethnic concordance to improve care. In this study, however, the patients were happy with the care provided regardless of the race/ethnicity of the staff, probably reflecting the well developed cultural competence skills of clinic staff overall. ^ The clinic administrator was unaware of the CLAS standards although the clinic was implicitly operated under their mandates. This occurred because the clinic is supported by federal funding and the CLAS standards were incorporated into the requirements. Incorporation into and monitoring of the CLAS standards in federally funded programs therefore appears to be an effective means for ensuring that they are implemented. ^ This study illustrates that cultural competence, though not universally understood, can be systematically investigated to identify what constitutes appropriate care and the factors that support or inhibit it. Among important elements of culturally competent care are respect and empathic communication. ^
Perinatal mortality and quality of care at the National Institute of Perinatology: A 3-year analysis
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Quality of medical care has been indirectly assessed through the collection of negative outcomes. A preventable death is one that could have been avoided if optimum care had been offered. The general objective of the present project was to analyze the perinatal mortality at the National Institute of Perinatology (located in Mexico City) by social, biological and some available components of quality of care such as avoidability, provider responsibility, and structure and process deficiencies in the delivery of medical care. A Perinatal Mortality Committee data base was utilized. The study population consisted of all singleton perinatal deaths occurring between January 1, 1988 and June 30, 1991 (n = 522). A proportionate study was designed.^ The population studied mostly corresponded to married young adult mothers, who were residents of urban areas, with an educational level of junior high school or more, two to three pregnancies, and intermediate prenatal care. The mean gestational age at birth was 33.4 $\pm$ 3.9 completed weeks and the mean birthweight at birth was 1,791.9 $\pm$ 853.1 grams.^ Thirty-five percent of perinatal deaths were categorized as avoidable. Postnatal infection and premature rupture of membranes were the most frequent primary causes of avoidable perinatal death. The avoidable perinatal mortality rate was 8.7 per 1000 and significantly declined during the study period (p $<$.05). Preventable perinatal mortality aggregated data suggested that at least part of the mortality decline for amenable conditions was due to better medical care.^ Structure deficiencies were present in 35% of avoidable deaths and process deficiencies were present in 79%. Structure deficiencies remained constant over time. Process deficiencies consisted of diagnosis failures (45.8%) and treatment failures (87.3%), they also remained constant through the years. Party responsibility was as follows: Obstetric (35.4%), pediatric (41.4%), institutional (26.5%), and patient (6.6%). Obstetric responsibility significantly increased during the study period (p $<$.05). Pediatric responsibility declined only for newborns less than 1500 g (p $<$.05). Institutional responsibility remained constant.^ Process deficiencies increased the risk for an avoidable death eightfold (confidence interval 1.7-41.4, p $<$.01) and provider responsibility ninety-fivefold (confidence interval 14.8-612.1, p $<$.001), after adjustment for several confounding variables. Perinatal mortality due to prematurity, barotrauma and nosocomial infection, was highly preventable, but not that due to transpartum asphyxia. Once specific deficiencies in the quality of care have been identified, quality assurance actions should begin. ^
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Report signed by William Pabodie and 12 other members of the committee.
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Bibliography: p. 84-88.
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"Published by order of the convention."
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Text printed in two columns.