"Natural" disasters as (neo-liberal) opportunity? Discussing post-hurricane Katrina urban regeneration in New Orleans

By providing a wide literature review, post-hurricane Katrina uneven urban regeneration in New Orleans is presented here by framing it within a historical perspective in order to underline how environmental threats too often seem to be not so much “natural” but rather man-made as well as to highlight both the reasons and the ways in which, in post-disaster reconstruction, competitive growth has been valued over equity, by directly benefiting those who were already the most advantaged. The aim is to highlight how environmental disasters can be considered as socially constructed phenomena, as they cannot be seen as a single event but rather as a process made by a series of progressive steps occurring within different spheres, which do not necessarily concern the environment only.

Aszimmetriák az Európai Unión belül (Assimetries within the European Union)

A centrum-periféria kapcsolatok elemzése az Európai Unióra is kiterjeszthető. Az integrációs folyamatban jól elemezhetőek a bourdeiu-i tőkeformák, ezek egymásra történő átváltása, a gazdasági és politikai aszimmetriák kölcsönhatása. E kölcsönös kapcsolatokban továbbra is a gazdasági viszonyok meghatározottsága érvényesül. A világgazdasági válság felszínre hozta a történelmi aszimmetriákat, amelyeket a korábbi neoliberális politikák tovább mélyítettek. Az Unión belüli periferális térségekre a válság különbözőképpen hatott. E hatások semlegesítésére többnyire a megszorító gazdaságpolitikákat alkalmazzák. Továbbra is hiányzik azonban egy, a minőségi s nem mennyiségi szempontokat hangsúlyozó fejlesztési politika. Egy ilyen megközelítés a strukturális, intézményi vonatkozásokat erősítené, s ezzel járulna hozzá a periféria termelési, forgalmi, elosztási képességeinek fokozásához. _____ Analysis of centre-periphery relations can be extended to the European Union as well. The capital forms by Bourdieu, their inter-changeability, mutual effects of economic and political asymmetries could be analysed well in the integration process. In these mutual relations economic relations still play the dominant role. The global economic crisis has brought to the surface historical asymmetries, further aggravated by earlier neo-liberal economic policies. Peripheral regions within the Union have been affected in different ways. In order to neutralise these effects austerity measure have been implemented. However, a development policy, emphasising quality and not only quantitative aspects, is still missing. Such an approach would strengthen structural and institutional elements, further enhancing production, trade, and distribution capabilities of the periphery.

State-Society Relationships, Social Trust and the Development of Labour Market Policies in Italy and Sweden

The first decade of the twenty-first century may be remembered for the rebirth of consensus on labour market policy. After three decades of bitter political and ideological controversy between a neo-liberal and a traditional social democratic approach, a new model, often labelled flexicurity, has emerged. This model is promoted by numerous political organisations since it promises to put an end to the old trade-off between equality and efficiency. Several countries are embracing the flexicurity model as a blueprint for labour market reform, but others, mostly belonging to the 'Mediterranean Rim', are clearly lagging behind. Why is it so difficult for these countries to implement the flexicurity model? This paper argues that the application of a flexicurity strategy in these countries is complicated by the lack of social trust between social partners and the state as well as political economy traditions that highlight the role of labour market regulation as a source of social protection.

Monetary channels of social inclusion: a case study of basic income and the Caixa Econômica Federal in Brazil

This article reports evidence of new monetary channels for social inclusion involving basic income policies and the Caixa Econômica Federal, a Brazilian government savings bank. Since the Plano Real (Brazilian currency) and the liberalization of banking in the 1990s, the realization of competitive advantages by the Caixa as social policy agent and the importance of citizenship cards differ from existing theories of bank change, financial inclusion and monetary policy. Multi-method research reveals the importance of 1) political theories of basic income, 2) conceptions of citizenship and social justice, and 3) a back to the future modernization of government banking. This provides alternatives to contemporary market-based banking theory, neo-liberal policies, private and non-governmental microfinance strategies, and theories in political economy about fiscal constraints to social policies. New monetary channels of change also suggest that zero sum theories about politics, monetary authority and social inclusion are amiss.

On the edge : exploring homeless women's social networks

This thesis aims to uncover the ways that previously homeless women in the Niagara region are able (or unable) to rely on friends, family and service providers in times of crisis (homelessness and poverty). Eleven women were interviewed and their experiences indicate that social networks cannot take the place of comprehensive and inclusive social policy. Time and time again, their stories showed that they were left negotiating the detritus of neo-liberal policies.

The Social City : Middle-way approaches to housing and sub-urban golvernmentality in southern Stockholm, 1900-1945

This dissertation deals with the period bridging the era of extreme housing shortages in Stockholm on the eve of industrialisation and the much admired programmes of housing provision that followed after the second world war, when Stockholm district Vällingby became an example for underground railway-serviced ”new towns”. It is argued that important changes were made in the housing and town planning policy in Stockholm in this period that paved the way for the successful ensuing period. Foremost among these changes was the uniquely developed practice of municipal leaseholding with the help of site leasehold rights (Erbbaurecht). The study is informed by recent developments in Foucauldian social research, which go under the heading ’governmentality’. Developments within urban planning are understood as different solutions to the problem of urban order. To a large extent, urban and housing policies changed during the period from direct interventions into the lives of inhabitants connected to a liberal understanding of housing provision, to the building of a disciplinary city, and the conduct of ’governmental’ power, building on increased activity on behalf of the local state to provide housing and the integration and co-operation of large collectives. Municipal leaseholding was a fundamental means for the implementation of this policy. When the new policies were introduced, they were limited to the outer parts of the city and administered by special administrative bodies. This administrative and spatial separation was largely upheld throughout the period, and represented as the parallel building of a ’social’ outer city, while things in the inner ’mercantile’ city proceeded more or less as before. This separation was founded in a radical difference in land holding policy: while sites in the inner city were privatised and sold at market values, land in the outer city was mostly leasehold land, distributed according to administrative – and thus politically decided – priorities. These differences were also understood and acknowledged by the inhabitants. Thorough studies of the local press and the organisational life of the southern parts of the outer city reveals that the local identity was tightly connected with the representations connected to the different land holding systems. Inhabitants in the south-western parts of the city, which in this period was still largely built on private sites, displayed a spatial understanding built on the contradictions between centre and periphery. The inhabitants living on leaseholding sites, however, showed a clear understanding of their position as members of model communities, tightly connected to the policy of the municipal administration. The organisations on leaseholding sites also displayed a deep co-operation with the administration. As the analyses of election results show, the inhabitants also seemed to have felt a greater degree of integration with the society at large, than people living in other parts of the city. The leaseholding system in Stockholm has persisted until today and has been one of the strongest in the world, although the local neo-liberal politicians are currently disposing it off.

Economic and Social Changes in Czech Society after 1989: an Alternative View

The group presents an analysis of the development of the Czech society and economy during the 1990s. They believe that the Czech neo-liberal strategy of transformation led to a partial and uneven modernisation and that this strategy is unable to provide a firm basis for a complex process of modernisation. The increasing developmental problems encountered during 1996-1999 can be seen as empirical evidence of the inadequacy of the neo-liberal transformation strategy. These problems are connected to institutional shortcomings due to the excessive speed of privatisation, its form with certain important Czech innovations (particularly the voucher method and an attempt to resuscitate the Czech national capital) and with the overlooking of the importance of the legal framework and its enforcement. The overly hasty privatisation has created a type of 'recombinant property' which lacks the economic order necessary to stimulate efficiency in an atmosphere of prevailing social justice. A second reason for the present difficulties is the long-term lag behind the civilisation and cultural standards typical of the advanced European countries. The first steps of the Czech transformation concentrated mainly on changes in the institutions important for the distribution of power and wealth and largely neglected the necessity of deep-reaching modernisation of Czech society and the economy. The neo-liberal strategy created conditions conducive to predatory and speculative behaviour at the expense of creative behaviour. Inherited principles of egalitarianism combined with undeserved economic privileges survived and were reinforced by important new developments in the same direction. This situation hinders the assertion of meritocratic motivations. The group advocates the development and implementation of a complex strategy of modernisation based on deliberate reforms, institutional changes and restructuring on the basis of strategic planning, and structural and regional policies which stress the role of cultivation of the institutional order and of the most important factors of economic growth and development.

Neoliberalism, the Third Way and Social Work: the UK experience

For most of the past two decades, the notion that there is no alternative to the market as a basis for organising society has constituted a kind of global 'common sense', accepted not only by the neo-liberal Right but also by social democratic thinkers and politicians, in the form of 'the Third Way'. This paper will critically assess the central claims of neoliberalism in the light of experience in the UK and internationally, evaluate the ways in which Third Way policies are shaping social work in the UK, and in the final section, begin to explore some of the ways in which the anti-capitalist movement which has emerged in recent years might contribute to the development of a new, engaged social work, based on social justice.

Social Work and a New Social Order - Challenging Neo-liberalism's Erosion of Solidarity

The world in which social work operates today is a very different world from that in which most of us took their social work training, and the changes we are facing are profound. This paper argues that these changes are not merely a regime change in social policy but that they are essentially about a re-ordering of social relationships and attempt to model them on neo-liberal ideas. In view of these pressures it is understandable that social workers often try to ignore those changes and withdraw into a private world of therapeutic relationships in which the methods they trained in are made to be still valid, or they simply go along with new service delivery designs without asking too many questions. Both reactions fail to question what the "social" can still mean in the light of these changes and how social workers can fulfil their mandate to be responsible for the social dimension of public life. Nothing less than a head-on challenge of the basic presuppositions of neo-liberalism (Willke 2003) and their manifold applications to social service delivery systems will thereby suffice.

La educación como derecho social básico ¿qué nos queda? : un análisis comparado de la política educativa argentina en los \'90

Este trabajo se propone comparar el contenido dado por el Estado de Bienestar y el Estado neoliberal a un derecho social básico como es la educación, y en términos más generales a la categoría de ciudadanía. Esta comparación, creemos, será especialmente fértil ya que si bien nos acotaremos al estudio de una política especifica, ésta da cuenta de dos modelos antagónicos, no sólo de Estado, sino también de intervención social, de construcción de la ciudadanía y de distribución de ingresos. Tratamos, entonces, a las políticas educativas de estos modelos con el fin de contextualizarlas y realizar un balance de cada uno de estos momentos en lo que respecta a educación, ciudadanía y pérdida de capacidad de ejercicio real de algunos de nuestros derechos y/o desentendimiento por parte del Estado para garantizarlos.

Social Services in Times of Economic and Social Crisis: The case of Spain

The financial and economic crisis which originated in 2008 has had a severe impact on the population of the Southern European countries. The economic policies of austerity and public deficit control, as well as the neo-liberal and conservative social policies are redefining the public social protection systems, in particular the Social Services. In order to get to understand the current situation, we shall explain how the Social Services were developed in Spain and analyse the causes and consequences of the economic crisis. The working hypothesis is that the greater the increase on the population’s needs, the more developed the Social Services should be. We carried out a descriptive analysis of the situation as far as the social impacts of the crisis per region are concerned. We tested the hypothesis through a parametric model of analysis of variance (one-way ANOVA) triangulating with the non-parametric Kruscal-Wallis test. The working hypothesis failed. The regions with better developed Social Services show a lower level of poverty and social exclusion. The challenges that the public Social Services system faces in times of crisis is three-fold: 1) re-modelling of local administration and transferring of the municipal Social Services responsibilities to the regional administration; 2) an increase of the population at risk of poverty and social exclusion 3) impact on social policies.

Reforming the Swedish employment-related social security system:activation, administrative modernization and strengthening local autonomy

The Swedish system of social security has often been regarded as comprehensive and comprehensive and inclusive. During major reforms in the 1990s and 2000s, it has maintained its essential character as a popular and well-endowed provider of social security and stability. Employment-related benefits are generous in financial terms, but come with the need for recipients to remain actively engaged in the economic or educational field. However, Sweden’s geographical and demographic diversity made it necessary to increase the role of local authorities in implementing active labour market policies. This article tracks these developments since the mid-1990s, both with regard to changing the benefits system and with regard to changing local government involvement. It argues that backed by broad political support, the Swedish system has achieved the necessary modernisation and adaptation to remain a viable alternative to more neo-liberal welfare retrenchment projects conducted in other European countries.

As autarquias e a educação. Centro e periferia na construção das políticas educativas (1998-2008)

RESUMO: Com o actual quadro de descentralização de atribuições e competências da administração central para as autarquias locais, na área da educação, os municípios passam a investir cada vez mais na acção educativa ao liderarem e planearem políticas educativas locais mais ou menos explícitas, e, nalguns casos, tentando superar carências que o sistema educativo apresenta. Esta pesquisa tem como problemática compreender o papel do Estado na (re)configuração das políticas de educação, quando a tendência para a mudança, de um Estado-educador para um Estado-regulador, tem por pressuposto o discurso neoliberal de que com ‗menos‘ Estado mas maior accountability se obtêm melhores resultados. Este processo origina uma redefinição no papel e funções do Estado no plano social e económico, provocando constrangimentos e conflitos de poder no que respeita ao seu controlo político, com a redistribuição de poderes entre o Estado e a comunidade, entre o central e o local. É neste contexto de mudança que a presente investigação, que se situa no âmbito da análise das políticas educativas, procura averiguar como e com que meios as autarquias locais concretizam as suas competências na área da educação. A estratégia de investigação concentra-se em uma metodologia qualitativa, com a utilização de um estudo exploratório, em três municípios da Região de Lisboa e Vale do Tejo. As actuais políticas educativas derivam da nova visão na gestão da coisa pública – res publica –, como resultado da nova concepção para o próprio Estado, e dos processos de elaboração das decisões político-educativas. Nesta perspectiva, a descentralização passa a ser um instrumento do poder local que favorece o aumento da autoridade democrática dos actores. Todavia, a governação – governance – supõe uma dinâmica de negociação, até mesmo de regulação entre o Estado, a região, o local, a escola e o mercado, feita para atender à construção do interesse geral, que já não é totalmente definido pelo Estado, mas construído em conjunto com as diversas forças políticas, económicas, educativas e sociais. O estudo permitiu evidenciar que a descentralização é posta em causa pelo Estado central, quando este ‗recentraliza‘ decisões e condiciona o poder local, com o fecho da maioria das escolas do primeiro ciclo e a verticalização dos agrupamentos escolares. Por sua vez, algumas políticas educativas como a ‗Escola a Tempo Inteiro‘ fomentam a desregulação dos vínculos laborais, forçando os municípios a aumentar os seus meios técnicos e humanos e a construírem novas infra-estruturas educativas. As políticas educativas passaram a ser concebidas segundo uma matriz híbrida, que visam a municipalização da educação – do pré-escolar e de todo o ensino básico –, por um lado; e fomentam a situação de ‗quase-mercado‘ com a privatização de sectores e o financiamento de várias instituições – que fornecem serviços na área da educação –, por outro lado. ABSTRACT: With the current framework of decentralization of functions and powers from central government to local authorities, in education, the municipalities are investing each more in educational work in leading educational policies and planning places more or less explicit and in some cases, trying to overcome shortcomings that education system. This research aims to understand the role of the state in the (re) configuration of education policies, when the tendency for the change in a State-Educator for a State-regulator, is the assumption that neo-liberal speech that with 'less' State but with more accountability we achieve better results. This process leads to a redefinition of the role and State functions in socio-economic constraints, resulting in power struggles with regard to its political control, with the redistribution of powers between the state and community, between the central and local. It is in this changing context that the present investigation, which lies in the examination of education policy addresses the question how and by what means the local, materialized their skills in education. The strategy focuses on a qualitative methodology, with the use of an exploratory study in three municipalities of Lisbon and Tagus Valley. The current education policies come from the new vision in the management of public affairs - res publica - as a result of the new design for the State itself, and the process of preparation of educational policy decisions. In this perspective, decentralization becomes an instrument of local government that favours the increase of democratic authority of the actors. However, the governance assumes a dynamic negotiation, even in regulation between the State, region, local authorities, school and market, made to suit the construction of general interest, which is not anymore fully defined by the State, but constructed together with the various political, economic, educational and social forces. The study indicates that decentralization is undermined by the central government when it ‗re-centralize‘ decisions and the local conditions, with the closure of most primary schools and with vertical groupings of schools. In turn, some educational policies such as 'Full Time School' forced the municipalities to increase their technical and human resources, to build new educational infrastructure. The educative policies began to be designed according to a hybrid matrix, which aims the decentralization of education - from pre-school and all the primary school - on one hand, and promote the situation of 'quasi-market' with privatization of sectors and the financing of several institutions - that provide services in education -, on the other hand. RÉSUMÉ: Avec le cadre actuel de décentralisation des fonctions et pouvoirs du gouvernement central aux autorités locales, dans l'éducation, les municipalités investissent de plus en plus dans le travail éducatif dans la conduite des politiques éducatives en mener et en faisant la planification des lieux plus ou moins explicites et, dans certains cas, essayer de remédier aux lacunes que présente l'éducation. Donc, nous voulons avec cette recherche comprendre le rôle de l'Etat dans la (re) configuration des politiques d'éducation, alors que la tendance au changement d‘un État-éducateur pour un État-régulateur, a comme l'hypothèse le discours néo-libéral de que avec «moins» État, mais plus d‘accountability on a des meilleurs résultats. Ce processus conduit à une redéfinition du rôle et des fonctions de l'Etat au plan social et économique, en donnant lieu à des luttes de pouvoir à l'égard de son contrôle politique, avec la redistribution des compétences entre l'État et la collectivité, entre les niveaux central et local. C‘est dans ce contexte changeant que la présente enquête, qui réside dans l‘examen de la politique de l‘éducation aborde la question de savoir comment et par quels moyens le local matérialisé leurs compétences dans l‘éducation. La stratégie est axée sur une méthodologie qualitative, avec l'utilisation d'une étude exploratoire dans trois municipalités de Lisbonne et Vallée du Tage. Les politiques actuelles d'éducation sont tirées de la nouvelle vision dans la gestion des affaires publiques - res publica – à la suite de la nouvelle conception de l'État lui-même, et le processus de préparation des décisions politique-éducatives. Dans cette perspective, la décentralisation devient un instrument de gouvernement local qui favorise l'augmentation de l'autorité démocratique des acteurs. Toutefois, la gouvernance assume une dynamique de négociation, même en matière de réglementation entre l'État, la région, le local, l'école et le marché, faite pour répondre à la construction d'intérêt général, qui n'est pas plus entièrement défini par l'Etat, mais construit en ensemble avec les divers forces politiques, économiques, éducatives et sociales. L‘étude indique que la décentralisation est minée par le gouvernement central quand il ‗re-centralise‘ les décisions et les conditions locales, avec la fermeture de la plupart des écoles du premier cycle et avec des groupements verticaux d‘écoles. À leur tour, certaines politiques éducatives telles que ‗l'école à temps plein‘ forcé les municipalités à accroître leurs ressources techniques et humaines, de construire de nouvelles infrastructures éducatives. Les politiques éducatives ont commencé à être conçues selon une matrice hybride, qui vise à la municipalisation de l'éducation - de l'école maternelle et de toute l'école basique - d'une part ; et de promouvoir la situation de «quasi-marché» avec la privatisation de secteurs et le financement de plusieurs institutions - qui offrent des services dans l'éducation -, d‘autre part.