Brazil and Turkey, a comparative analysis of both countries' economic development and institutional design from the Great Depression to the early 21st century

Apos uma d��cada de r��pido crescimento econ��mico na primeira d��cada do s��culo 21, Brasil e Turquia foram considerados duas das economias emergentes mais din��micas e promissoras. No entanto, v��rios sinais de dificuldades econ��micas e tens��es pol��ticas reapareceram recentemente e simultaneamente nos dois pa��ses. Acreditamos que esses sinais e a sua simultaneidade podem ser entendidos melhor com um olhar retrospectivo sobre a hist��ria econ��mica dos dois pa��ses, que revela ser surpreendentemente paralela. Numa primeira parte, empreendemos uma compara����o abrangente da hist��ria econ��mica brasileira e turca para mostrar as numerosas similaridades entre os desafios de pol��tica econ��mica que os dois pa��ses enfrentaram, assim como entre as respostas que eles lhes deram desde a virada da Grande Depress��o at�� a primeira d��cada do s��culo 21. Essas escolhas de pol��tica econ��mica comuns d��o forma a uma trajet��ria de desenvolvimento notavelmente an��loga, caracterizada primeiro pela ado����o do modelo de industrializa����o por substitui����o das importa����es (ISI) no contexto da recess��o mundial dos anos 1930; depois pela intensifica����o e crise final desse modelo nos anos 1980; e finalmente por duas d��cadas de estabiliza����o e transi����o para um modelo econ��mico mais liberal. Numa segunda parte, o desenvolvimento das institui����es econ��micas e pol��ticas, assim como da economia pol��tica subjacente nos dois pa��ses, s��o analisados comparativamente a fim de prover alguns elementos de explica����o do paralelo observado na primeira parte. Sustentamos que o marco institucional estabelecido nos dois pa��ses durante esse per��odo tamb��m t��m varias caracter��sticas fundamentais em comum e contribui a explicar as escolhas de pol��tica econ��mica e as performances econ��micas compar��veis, detalhadas na primeira parte. Este estudo aborda elementos do contexto hist��rico ��teis para compreender a situa����o econ��mica e pol��tica atual nos dois pa��ses. Potencialmente tamb��m constitui uma tentativa de considerar as economias emergentes numa perspectiva hist��rica e comparativa mais ampla para entender melhor as suas fraquezas institucionais e adotar um olhar mais equilibrado sobre seu potencial econ��mico.

How the full opening of the capital account to highly liquid financial markets led Latin America to two and a half cycles of ���mania, panic and crash���

Latin America has recently experienced three cycles of capital inflows, the first two ending in major financial crises. The first took place between 1973 and the 1982 ���debt-crisis���. The second took place between the 1989 ���Brady bonds��� agreement (and the beginning of the economic reforms and financial liberalisation that followed) and the Argentinian 2001/2002 crisis, and ended up with four major crises (as well as the 1997 one in East Asia) ��� Mexico (1994), Brazil (1999), and two in Argentina (1995 and 2001/2). Finally, the third inflow-cycle began in 2003 as soon as international financial markets felt reassured by the surprisingly neo-liberal orientation of President Lula���s government; this cycle intensified in 2004 with the beginning of a (purely speculative) commodity price-boom, and actually strengthened after a brief interlude following the 2008 global financial crash ��� and at the time of writing (mid-2011) this cycle is still unfolding, although already showing considerable signs of distress. The main aim of this paper is to analyse the financial crises resulting from this second cycle (both in LA and in East Asia) from the perspective of Keynesian/ Minskyian/ Kindlebergian financial economics. I will attempt to show that no matter how diversely these newly financially liberalised Developing Countries tried to deal with the absorption problem created by the subsequent surges of inflow (and they did follow different routes), they invariably ended up in a major crisis. As a result (and despite the insistence of mainstream analysis), these financial crises took place mostly due to factors that were intrinsic (or inherent) to the workings of over-liquid and under-regulated financial markets ��� and as such, they were both fully deserved and fairly predictable. Furthermore, these crises point not just to major market failures, but to a systemic market failure: evidence suggests that these crises were the spontaneous outcome of actions by utility-maximising agents, freely operating in friendly (���light-touch���) regulated, over-liquid financial markets. That is, these crises are clear examples that financial markets can be driven by buyers who take little notice of underlying values ��� i.e., by investors who have incentives to interpret information in a biased fashion in a systematic way. Thus, ���fat tails��� also occurred because under these circumstances there is a high likelihood of self-made disastrous events. In other words, markets are not always right ��� indeed, in the case of financial markets they can be seriously wrong as a whole. Also, as the recent collapse of ���MF Global��� indicates, the capacity of ���utility-maximising��� agents operating in (excessively) ���friendly-regulated��� and over-liquid financial market to learn from previous mistakes seems rather limited.

A note on financial regulation and the brazilian response to the 2008���09 financial crisis

Brazil was frequently criticized for its interventionist and heavy financial regulation up until the 2008���09 world financial crisis.����According to the neo���liberal or pro���market view that predominated in academic and financial circles during the early 2000s, economic development came together with financial deepening, which in its turn could only be achieved through financial liberalization and deregulation. The currency crises of the 1990s notwithstanding, by the mid���2000s Brazil���s segmented financial market and its restrictive reserve and capital requirements were seen as a symbol of inefficiency and backwardness by most financial specialists.����To the luck of the Brazilian population, most of the advices of such specialists were ignored by the Brazilian authorities, so that, when the 2008 financial crisis hit the world economy, Brazil still had powerful and efficient instruments to deal with the problem.����The objective of this note is to present the mains aspects of the Brazilian financial regulation and how they helped the economy to deal with the consequences of 2008���09 financial meltdown.

How the full opening of the capital account to highly liquid financial markets led Latin America to two and a half cycles of ���mania, panic and crash���

Latin America has recently experienced three cycles of capital inflows, the first two ending in major financial crises. The first took place between 1973 and the 1982 ���debt-crisis���. The second took place between the 1989 ���Brady bonds��� agreement (and the beginning of the economic reforms and financial liberalisation that followed) and the Argentinian 2001/2002 crisis, and ended up with four major crises (as well as the 1997 one in East Asia) ��� Mexico (1994), Brazil (1999), and two in Argentina (1995 and 2001/2). Finally, the third inflow-cycle began in 2003 as soon as international financial markets felt reassured by the surprisingly neo-liberal orientation of President Lula���s government; this cycle intensified in 2004 with the beginning of a (purely speculative) commodity price-boom, and actually strengthened after a brief interlude following the 2008 global financial crash ��� and at the time of writing (mid-2011) this cycle is still unfolding, although already showing considerable signs of distress. The main aim of this paper is to analyse the financial crises resulting from this second cycle (both in LA and in East Asia) from the perspective of Keynesian/ Minskyian/ Kindlebergian financial economics. I will attempt to show that no matter how diversely these newly financially liberalised Developing Countries tried to deal with the absorption problem created by the subsequent surges of inflow (and they did follow different routes), they invariably ended up in a major crisis. As a result (and despite the insistence of mainstream analysis), these financial crises took place mostly due to factors that were intrinsic (or inherent) to the workings of over-liquid and under-regulated financial markets ��� and as such, they were both fully deserved and fairly predictable. Furthermore, these crises point not just to major market failures, but to a systemic market failure: evidence suggests that these crises were the spontaneous outcome of actions by utility-maximising agents, freely operating in friendly (light-touched) regulated, over-liquid financial markets. That is, these crises are clear examples that financial markets can be driven by buyers who take little notice of underlying values ��� investors have incentives to interpret information in a biased fashion in a systematic way. ���Fat tails��� also occurred because under these circumstances there is a high likelihood of self-made disastrous events. In other words, markets are not always right ��� indeed, in the case of financial markets they can be seriously wrong as a whole. Also, as the recent collapse of ���MF Global��� indicates, the capacity of ���utility-maximising��� agents operating in unregulated and over-liquid financial market to learn from previous mistakes seems rather limited.

A proposta do estado empregador de ultima inst��ncia e o experimentalismo democr��tico: uma reflex��o te��rica sobre a compatibilidade desses dois programas

This paper aims to make a theoretical reflection on the theoretical compatibility between the program State Employer of Last Resort (ELR) and the Democratic experimentalism (ED). The ED arises in political thought as an alternative to neo-liberal and social democratic programs in order to rescue the discussion about the institutional organization of society and the market economy. About the involuntary unemployment, it proposes tax changes incidents on payroll and proposes work fronts to the most vulnerable or poorly trained. The hypothesis of this paper is that this approach is compatible with the ELR program, the post- Keynesian line. The ELR is presented as transgression of the mainstream of economic thought by proposing that the State acts as guarantor of employment, working as a stabilizing anchor for the economy. On the edge, the ELR proposes eliminate completely involuntary unemployment. The implementation of the ELR, however, requires the construction of institutions that aim to remake the market economy, as well as deepen and energize politics and democracy, goals that are part of the ED program. Thus, the ED would, in theory, an environment conducive to innovative policies guarantors of training and occupation of the individual, essential for their emancipation institutional environment. In Brazil, which has serious infrastructure problems and qualification of manpower, such a program has enormous potential benefit. However when transposed to the Northeast of Brazil through the Plan for the region based on the principles of the ED and the hypothetical coupling to the ELR could not confirm or reject the hypothesis sub-compatibility of these two theoretical frameworks. The findings point to a partial convergence between these two programs

A quest��o do desenvolvimento �� luz da globaliza����o da economia capitalista

Cet article cherche �� dresser, sous la perspective historique, le bilan de la situation des pays p��riph��riques dans les derni��res trentes ann��es. Pour cela, il aborde particuli��rement les enjeux du d��veloppement dans la phase de la globalisation du capital. Ce travail s'appuie surtout sur les ��tudes de la vaste bibliographie publi��e r��cemment. Dans quelle mesure la relance du d��veloppement concernant plusieurs secteurs stagn��s de la p��riph��rie deviendrait-elle une r��elle possibilit��? Autour de cette question, que nous trouvons centrale dans l'actuelle conjoncture, nous entamons quelques r��flexions. Nous envisageons montrer que la stagnation ��conomique �� laquelle des nombreux pays non d��velopp��s font face ne d��coule pas en partie d'une crise sociale et ��conomique ouverte dans les ann��es soixante-dix et qui s'��largit jusqu'�� nos jours malgr�� les tentatives de restructuration de la soci��t�� capitaliste. Les strat��gies et les mesures politiques �� caract��re n��o-liberal aussi auraient ��norm��ment contribu�� �� cette situation ��tant donn�� qu'elles ont renforc�� les amarres financi��res qui ont ��trangl�� pour une part les ��conomies p��riph��riques. Outre ces difficult��s, ces pays affronteraient les limites ��cologiques du capitalisme. La relance du d��veloppement dans un nouveau stade exigeant la croissance ��conomique, la justice sociale et la pr��servation de la nature am��nerait �� une rupture face au capitalisme.

A rela����o entre moderniza����o neoliberal e pr��ticas pol��ticas atrasadas no Brasil dos anos 1990

Our goal is to investigate the reasons behind the presence of clientelist-type practices among the popular classes in Brazil, highlighting the decade of the 1990s. Our proposal gives salience to factors regarding the phenomenon's socio-political conjuncture, thereby taking us beyond explanations that rely exclusively on historical-cultural aspects or that sustain an economic bias. We use bibliographic and journalistic sources, from which we develop our own interpretation of the period. Thus, we observe that clientelist practices are encouraged to manifest themselves at the level of national political organization particularly within the federal sphere yet are also reflected at state and municipal levels, due to the coalition of political forces created through the implantation of a neoliberal project in Brazil. The latter has joined modern Brazilian social democracy and old regional oligarchies situated primarily within the PFL, PP, PTB and certain sectors of the PMDB, whose representatives are known for their attachment to patrimonialist and paternalistic practices. The inclusion of the latter in the conservative pact that has promoted neo-liberal political reform has thus meant awarding new value to such practices. Herein lies partial explanation for the vigor with which practices such as fisiologismo, apadrinhamento, abuse of state machinery, buying and selling of votes and clientelism have manifested themselves on the national scene over the course of the 1990s.

Changes in the distribution of income and the New Economic Model in Jamaica

Includes bibliography

Can growth and equity go hand in hand?

Includes bibliography

Pol��ticas p��blicas educacionais e democratiza����o do acesso �� escola m��dia nas d��cadas de 1980 e 1990 no Brasil

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cient��fico e Tecnol��gico (CNPq)

Pol��tica p��blica e avalia����o: o Saresp e seus impactos na pr��tica profissional docente

P��s-gradua����o em Servi��o Social - FCHS

Neo-liberalismo, educa����o e racionaliza����o: a cria����o da Escola Livre de Sociologia e Pol��tica como pr��tica pol��tica da grande ind��stria paulista nos anos 30.

Na efrevesc��ncia pol��tico-social que marcou as d��cadas de 1920 e 1930 no Brasil, quatro grandes temas ganhavam destaque e apareciam como bandeira comum �� maioria dos atores em luta: industrializa����o, revolu����o, racionaliza����o e educa����o. Em S��o Paulo, em meio as lutas pela universaliza����o de uma vontade particular, o tema da educa����o ganha cores mais vivas, seja como lugar previlegiado do confronto pol��tico, seja, ao contr��rio como elemento aglutinador de grupos com interesses divergentes - como se pode observar quando do fortalecimento da bandeira da uni��o em torno dos interesses paulistas. Bandeira essa que chega a transformar-se em forte mistica a partir do Movimento Constitucionalista de 1932: somente S��o Paulo seria capaz de fornecer homens suficientemente competentes para compor a elite dirigente do Brasil, um pais que passava por um per��odo de grave crise provocada, principalmente, pela inexist��ncia de uma s��lida estrutura educacional moderna que fosse capaz de reeducar as massas e formar t��cnicos competentes para administar as coisas p��blicas. Com o fim do Movimento de 32, que havia sustentado uma alian��a de diferentes grupos paulistas, entre eles o grupo pol��tico do jornal O Estado de S��o Paulo, principal respons��vel pelo projeto de cria����o da Universidade de S��o Paulo em 1934, e o n��cleo de empres��rios representados pela FIESP (Federa����o das Ind��strias do Estado de S��o Paulo) -, as pr��ticas pol��ticas particulares s��o retomadas. Em 1933, os empres��rios tomam a dianteira criando a Escola Livre de Sociologia e pol��tica, que aparece como um dos mais importantes atos pol��ticosda grande ind��stria no Brasil. No discurso de inaugura����o, Roberto Simonsen, presidente da FIESP, admitindo a necessidade de reformula����o do velho liberalismo ortodoxo e defendendo um Estado neo-liberal, indica a pr��tica de largos horizontes com a qual essa escola deveria estar comprometida: a institui����o de verdades cient��ficas sobre a realidade brasileira, capazes de proporcionar os instrumentos necess��rios para garantir a correta a����o de um Estado normatizador da sociedade segundo a vontade da grande ind��stria.

"Water users must be efficient producers". Women's access to and use of land in Ch��kw�� irrigation scheme, Mozambique

The irrigation scheme Eduardo Mondlane, situated in Ch��kw�� District - in the Southern part of the Gaza province and within the Limpopo River Basin - is the largest in the country, covering approximately 30,000 hectares of land. Built by the Portuguese colonial administration in the 1950s to exploit the agricultural potential of the area through cash-cropping, after Independence it became one of Frelimo���s flagship projects aiming at the ���socialization of the countryside��� and at agricultural economic development through the creation of a state farm and of several cooperatives. The failure of Frelimo���s economic reforms, several infrastructural constraints and local farmers resistance to collective forms of production led to scheme to a state of severe degradation aggravated by the floods of the year 2000. A project of technical rehabilitation initiated after the floods is currently accompanied by a strong ���efficiency��� discourse from the managing institution that strongly opposes the use of irrigated land for subsistence agriculture, historically a major livelihood strategy for smallfarmers, particularly for women. In fact, the area has been characterized, since the end of the XIX century, by a stable pattern of male migration towards South African mines, that has resulted in an a steady increase of women-headed households (both de jure and de facto). The relationship between land reform, agricultural development, poverty alleviation and gender equality in Southern Africa is long debated in academic literature. Within this debate, the role of agricultural activities in irrigation schemes is particularly interesting considering that, in a drought-prone area, having access to water for irrigation means increased possibilities of improving food and livelihood security, and income levels. In the case of Ch��kw��, local governments institutions are endorsing the development of commercial agriculture through initiatives such as partnerships with international cooperation agencies or joint-ventures with private investors. While these business models can sometimes lead to positive outcomes in terms of poverty alleviation, it is important to recognize that decentralization and neoliberal reforms occur in the context of financial and political crisis of the State that lacks the resources to efficiently manage infrastructures such as irrigation systems. This kind of institutional and economic reforms risk accelerating processes of social and economic marginalisation, including landlessness, in particular for poor rural women that mainly use irrigated land for subsistence production. The study combines an analysis of the historical and geographical context with the study of relevant literature and original fieldwork. Fieldwork was conducted between February and June 2007 (where I mainly collected secondary data, maps and statistics and conducted preliminary visit to Ch��kw��) and from October 2007 to March 2008. Fieldwork methodology was qualitative and used semi-structured interviews with central and local Government officials, technical experts of the irrigation scheme, civil society organisations, international NGOs, rural extensionists, and water users from the irrigation scheme, in particular those women smallfarmers members of local farmers��� associations. Thanks to the collaboration with the Union of Farmers��� Associations of Ch��kw��, she has been able to participate to members��� meeting, to education and training activities addressed to women farmers members of the Union and to organize a group discussion. In Ch��kw�� irrigation scheme, women account for the 32% of water users of the familiar sector (comprising plot-holders with less than 5 hectares of land) and for just 5% of the private sector. If one considers farmers��� associations of the familiar sector (a legacy of Frelimo���s cooperatives), women are 84% of total members. However, the security given to them by the land title that they have acquired through occupation is severely endangered by the use that they make of land, that is considered as ���non efficient��� by the irrigation scheme authority. Due to a reduced access to marketing possibilities and to inputs, training, information and credit women, in actual fact, risk to see their right to access land and water revoked because they are not able to sustain the increasing cost of the water fee. The myth of the ���efficient producer��� does not take into consideration the characteristics of inequality and gender discrimination of the neo-liberal market. Expecting small-farmers, and in particular women, to be able to compete in the globalized agricultural market seems unrealistic, and can perpetuate unequal gendered access to resources such as land and water.

Applications of GIS and remote sensing techniques for studying the housing patterns in Cairo Governorate

The main objective of this study is to reveal the housing patterns in Cairo as one of the most rapidly urbanizing city in the developing world. The study outlines the evolution of the housing problem and its influencing factors in Egypt generally and in Cairo specifically. The study takes into account the political transition from the national state economy to the open door policy, the neo-liberal period and finally to the housing situation after the January 2011 Revolution. The resulting housing patterns in Cairo Governorate were identified as (1) squatter settlements, (2) semi-informal settlements, (3) deteriorated inner pockets, and (4) formal settlements. rnThe study concluded that the housing patterns in Cairo are reflecting a multifaceted problem resulting in: (1) the imbalance between the high demand for affordable housing units for low-income families and the oversupply of upper-income housing, (2) the vast expansion of informal areas both on agricultural and desert lands, (3) the deterioration of the old parts of Cairo without upgrading or appropriate replacement of the housing structure, and (4) the high vacancy rate of newly constructed apartmentsrnThe evolution and development of the current housing problem were attributed to a number of factors. These factors are demographic factors represented in the rapid growth of the population associated with urbanization under the dictates of poverty, and the progressive increase of the prices of both buildable land and building materials. The study underlined that the current pattern of population density in Cairo Governorate is a direct result of the current housing problems. Around the depopulation core of the city, a ring of relatively stable areas in terms of population density has developed. Population densification, at the expense of the depopulation core, is characterizing the peripheries of the city. The population density in relation to the built-up area was examined using Landsat-7 ETM+ image (176/039). The image was acquired on 24 August 2006 and considered as an ideal source for land cover classification in Cairo since it is compatible with the population census 2006.rnConsidering that the socio-economic setting is a driving force of change of housing demand and that it is an outcome of the accumulated housing problems, the socio-economic deprivations of the inhabitants of Cairo Governorate are analyzed. Small administrative units in Cairo are categorized into four classes based on the Socio-Economic Opportunity Index (SEOI). This index is developed by using multiple domains focusing on the economic, educational and health situation of the residential population. The results show four levels of deprivation which are consistent with the existing housing patterns. Informal areas on state owned land are included in the first category, namely, the ���severely deprived��� level. Ex-formal areas or deteriorated inner pockets are characterized as ���deprived��� urban quarters. Semi-informal areas on agricultural land concentrate in the third category of ���medium deprived��� settlements. Formal or planned areas are included mostly in the fourth category of the ���less deprived��� parts of Cairo Governorate. rnFor a better understanding of the differences and similarities among the various housing patterns, four areas based on the smallest administrative units of shiakhat were selected for a detailed study. These areas are: (1) El-Ma���desa is representing a severely deprived squatter settlement, (2) Ain el-Sira is an example for an ex-formal deprived area, (3) El-Marg el-Qibliya was selected as a typical semi-informal and medium deprived settlement, and (4) El-Nozha is representing a formal and less deprived area.rnThe analysis at shiakhat level reveals how the socio-economic characteristics and the unregulated urban growth are greatly reflected in the morphological characteristics of the housing patterns in terms of street network and types of residential buildings as well as types of housing tenure. It is also reflected in the functional characteristics in terms of land use mix and its degree of compatibility. It is concluded that the provision and accessibility to public services represents a performance measure of the dysfunctional structure dominating squatter and semi-informal settlements on one hand and ample public services and accessibility in formal areas on the other hand.rn

Policy Contexts of Social Work in Britain: the wider implications of 'New' Labour and the 'New Legal Regime'

Several commentators have expressed disappointment with New Labour's apparent adherence to the policy frameworks of the previous Conservative administrations. The employment orientation of its welfare programmes, the contradictory nature of the social exclusion initiatives, and the continuing obsession with public sector marketisation, inspections, audits, standards and so on, have all come under critical scrutiny (c.f., Blyth 2001; Jordan 2001; Orme 2001). This paper suggests that in order to understand the socio-economic and political contexts affecting social work we need to examine the relationship between New Labour's modernisation project and its insertion within an architecture of global governance. In particular, membership of the European Union (EU), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Trade Organisation (WTO) set the parameters for domestic policy in important ways. Whilst much has been written about the economic dimensions of 'globalisation' in relation to social work rather less has been noted about the ways in which domestic policy agenda are driven by multilateral governance objectives. This policy dimension is important in trying to respond to various changes affecting social work as a professional activity. What is possible, what is encouraged, how things might be done, is tightly bounded by the policy frameworks governing practice and affected by those governing the lives of service users. It is unhelpful to see policy formulation in purely national terms as the UK is inserted into a network governance structure, a regulatory framework where decisions are made by many countries and organisations and agencies. Together, they are producing a 'new legal regime', characterised by a marked neo-liberal policy agenda. This paper aims to demonstrate the relationship of New Labour's modernisation programme to these new forms of legality by examining two main policy areas and the welfare implications they are enmeshed in. The first is privatisation, and the second is social policy in the European Union. Examining these areas allows a demonstration of how much of the New Labour programme can be understood as a local implementation of a transnational strategy, how parts of that strategy produce much of the social exclusion it purports to address, and how social welfare, and particularly social work, are noticeable by their absence within policy discourses of the strategy. The paper details how the privatisation programme is considered to be a crucial vehicle for the further development of a transnational political-economy, where capital accumulation has been redefined as 'welfare'. In this development, frameworks, codes and standards are central, and the final section of the paper examines how the modernisation strategy of the European Union depends upon social policy marked by an employment orientation and risk rationality, aimed at reconfiguring citizen identities.The strategy is governed through an 'open mode of coordination', in which codes, standards, benchmarks and so on play an important role. The paper considers the modernisation strategy and new legality within which it is embedded as dependent upon social policy as a technology of liberal governance, one demonstrating a new rationality in comparison to that governing post-Second World War welfare, and which aims to reconfigure institutional infrastructure and citizen identity.