Soft Surveillance: The Growth of Mandatory Volunteerism in Collecting Personal Information “Hey Buddy Can You Spare a DNA?”

Le développement accéléré des technologies de communication, de saisie et de traitement de l’information durant les dernières années décennies ouvre la voie à de nouveaux moyens de contrôle social. Selon l’auteur Gary Marx ceux-ci sont de nature non coercitive et permettent à des acteurs privés ou publics d’obtenir des informations personnelles sur des individus sans que ceux-ci y consentent ou mêmes sans qu’ils en soient conscients. Ces moyens de contrôle social se fondent sur certaines valeurs sociales qui sont susceptibles de modifier le comportement des individus comme le patriotisme, la notion de bon citoyen ou le volontarisme. Tout comme les moyens coercitifs, elles amènent les individus à adopter certains comportements et à divulguer des informations précises. Toutefois, ces moyens se fondent soit sur le consentement des individus, consentement qui est souvent factice et imposée, soit l’absence de connaissance du processus de contrôle par les individus. Ainsi, l’auteur illustre comment des organisations privées et publiques obtiennent des informations privilégiées sur la population sans que celle-ci en soit réellement consciente. Les partisans de tels moyens soulignent leur importance pour la sécurité et le bien publique. Le discours qui justifie leur utilisation soutient qu’ils constituent des limites nécessaires et acceptables aux droits individuels. L’emploi de telles méthodes est justifié par le concept de l’intérêt public tout en minimisant leur impact sur les droits des individus. Ainsi, ces méthodes sont plus facilement acceptées et moins susceptibles d’être contestées. Toutefois, l’auteur souligne l’importance de reconnaître qu’une méthode de contrôle empiète toujours sur les droits des individus. Ces moyens de contrôle sont progressivement intégrés à la culture et aux modes de comportement. En conséquence, ils sont plus facilement justifiables et certains groupes en font même la promotion. Cette réalité rend encore plus difficile leur encadrement afin de protéger les droits individuels. L’auteur conclut en soulignant l’important décalage moral derrière l’emploi de ces méthodes non-coercitives de contrôle social et soutient que seul le consentement éclairé des individus peut justifier leur utilisation. À ce sujet, il fait certaines propositions afin d’encadrer et de rendre plus transparente l’utilisation de ces moyens de contrôle social.

Le droit international localement pour et par les femmes indiennes : la protection contre la violence domestique à Mumbai, Inde

Le droit international véhicule des principes de droits des femmes dits universels. Pourtant, ces droits prennent un tout autre sens lorsque confrontés aux réalités locales. En Inde, le droit hindou entretient la notion de devoirs par opposition aux droits individuels. Ainsi, la femme est définie selon ses relations à la famille et au mariage plutôt que selon ses libertés sociales. Toute dérogation dans les devoirs de la femme envers sa famille ou son mari est une raison valable pour punir la délinquance et discipliner. Cette étude s’intéresse aux tensions entre les standards internationaux et locaux à partir de l’étude de la Protection of Women against Domestic Violence Act de 2005 (PWDVA). Cette loi se trouve au confluent de l’universalisme du droit international des droits humains et du pluralisme culturel en Inde. La PWDVA semble remettre en question le statut de la femme et de la famille dans la société. Les idéaux du droit peuvent-ils être adaptés aux diverses réalités nationales et locales? Comment les organisations non gouvernementales (ONG) s’inscrivent-elles dans la conjugaison du droit vivant et du droit international pour contrer la violence domestique? Cette recherche étudie le rôle des ONG dans l’adaptation et la traduction des normes internationales dans le contexte culturel et social indien. Une analyse approfondie de documents théoriques et juridiques, des observations participatives et des entrevues au sein d'une ONG à Mumbai en 2013 ont permis d’observer la transition des normes internationales vers le local. Un tel séjour de recherche fut possible à l’aide d'une méthodologie suivant le cadre théorique du féminisme postmoderne et de l’anthropologie juridique. L’analyse des résultats a mené à la conclusion que les ONG jouent un rôle de médiateur entre les normes appartenant au droit international, au droit national indien et au droit vivant. Celles-ci doivent interpréter les droits humains intégrés à la PWDVA en reconnaissant ce qui est idéaliste et ce qui est réaliste à la lumière des réalités locales, faisant ainsi l’équilibre entre le besoin de transformations des communautés et le respect des valeurs à préserver. Cette recherche offre donc une ouverture quant aux solutions possibles pour contrer les tensions entre droits des femmes et droits culturels dans un contexte de développement international.

Non-domination et collectivités : l'apport du républicanisme à une théorie des droits collectifs

L'objectif poursuivi dans ce mémoire est de montrer que le néo-républicanisme possède les outils les plus efficaces pour penser la réconciliation des droits individuels, fondement des États de droits occidentaux contemporains, et des droits collectifs que peuvent légitimement réclamer les collectivités nationales. Dans cette visée, et comme de nombreux auteurs libéraux se sont attaqués à cette question dans les dernières décennies, j'expose d'abord trois stratégies libérales pour traiter cette possible réconciliation tout en faisant ressortir leurs faiblesses respectives. J'avance qu'aucune de ces stratégies ne permet vraiment de comprendre comment un régime de droits collectifs et un régime de droits individuels peuvent être articulés de façon cohérente. J'argue ensuite que le néo-républicanisme, parce qu'il comprend la liberté non pas comme l'absence d'interférence, mais comme un statut de non-domination, permet de voir que les droits collectifs des groupes nationaux et les droits individuels sont nécessairement compatibles, parce qu'ils s'organisent en fonction du même idéal. Les droits d'un individu et ceux de sa collectivité nationale sont, d'une certaine manière, les deux faces d'une même médaille, la non-domination individuelle dépendant de la non-domination du groupe national auquel l'individu appartient. En dernier lieu, je soutiens que cette compréhension du rapport entre les deux régimes de droits devrait se traduire par un ensemble de mesures institutionnelles concrètes dont la plus importante est la reconnaissance d'un droit, pour les collectivités nationales, à l'autodétermination.

Dilemmas in Regards to the Restitution of Lands in Colombia

The text argues that, even if different sectors of society have some strategic points of agreement on the issue of land, which converge on the specific issue of restitution, they strongly disagree on various other points. On one side are some who advocate “pure restitution” and consequently support a restitution policy that focuses on correcting the illegal dispossession and clarifying land titles and individual rights to property, which would serve to boost the land market and allow for rural development policies that modernize agricultural production, fundamentally based on large, corporate ownership. On the other end of the spectrum are advocates of what we call “comprehensive restitution,” who promote adopting a restitution policy that meets the requirements not only of corrective justice but also of recognition and redistribution, advancing the interest of peasant, indigenous, and afro-Colombian communities.

Fundamental Right to Freedom of Conscience without Objection? Some Notes for its Recognition as a Fundamental Guarantee

Conscientious objection is defined as the ability to depart from statutory mandates because of intimate convictions based on ethical or religious convictions. A discussion of this issue presents the conflict between the idea of a State concerned with the promotion of individual rights or the protection of general interests and an idea of law based on the maintenance of order and against a view of the law as a means to claim the protection of minimum conditions of the person. From this conflict is drawn the possibility to argue whether conscientious objection should be guaranteed as a fundamental right of freedom of conscience or as a statutory authority legislatively conferred upon persons. This paper sets out a discussion around the two views so as to develop a position that is more consistent with the context of social and constitutional law.

La revolución tecnológica en los medios de comunicación y los desafíos del derecho y la democracia (Tema Central)

El presente artículo aborda el impacto de la transformación tecnológica y los nuevos instrumentos de la teleinformática en los medios de comunicación masiva. La forma como se han estructurado las transnacionales mediáticas a partir del uso de instrumentos como la web, el software o el podcasting y los riesgos que su exceso conlleva respecto de la democracia al imponer sus intereses económicos y culturales por encima del interés del individuo, el interés público, la intimidad y el honor. Todo lo cual plantea nuevos desafíos al derecho y la protección de los derechos del individuo.

The French Constitutional Council as the Rottweiler of the Republican Ideal in the Language Field: Does Jurisprudence Really Reflect Reality? EDAP 03/2012, 2012

France is known for being a champion of individual rights as well as for its overt hostility to any form of group rights. Linguistic pluralism in the public sphere is rejected for fear of babelization and Balkanization of the country. Over recent decades the Conseil Constitutionnel (CC) has, together with the Conseil d’État, remained arguably the strongest defender of this Jacobin ideal in France. In this article, I will discuss the role of France’s restrictive language policy through the prism of the CC’s jurisprudence. Overall, I will argue that the CC made reference to the (Jacobin) state-nation concept, a concept that is discussed in the first part of the paper, in order to fight the revival of regional languages in France over recent decades. The clause making French the official language in 1992 was functional to this policy. The intriguing aspect is that in France the CC managed to standardise France’s policy vis-à-vis regional and minority languages through its jurisprudence; an issue discussed in the second part of the paper. But in those regions with a stronger tradition of identity, particularly in the French overseas territories, the third part of the paper argues, normative reality has increasingly become under pressure. Therefore, a discrepancy between the ‘law in courts’ and the compliance with these decisions (‘law in action’) has been emerging over recent years. Amid some signs of opening of France to minorities, this contradiction delineates a trend that might well continue in future.

The margin of appreciation, domestic irregularity and domestic court rulings in ECHR environmental jurisprudence: Global legal pluralism in action

Global legal pluralism is concerned, inter alia, with the growing multiplicity of normative legal orders and the ways in which these different orders intersect and are accommodated with one another. The different means used for accommodation will have a critical bearing on how individuals fare within them. This article examines the recent environmental jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights to explore some of the means of reaching an accommodation between national legal orders and the European Convention. Certain types of accommodation – such as the margin of appreciation given to states by the Court – are well known. In essence, such mechanisms of legal pluralism raise a presumptive barrier which generally works for the state and against the individual rights-bearer. However, the principal focus of the current article is on a less well-known, recent set of pluralistic devices employed by the Court, which typically operate presumptively in the other direction, in favour of the individual. First, the Court looks to instances of breaches of domestic environmental law (albeit not in isolation); and second, it places an emphasis on whether domestic courts have ruled against the relevant activity. Where domestic standards have been breached or national courts have ruled against the state, then, presumptive weight is typically shifted towards the individual.

Transitional justice in Nepal: the Commission on Investigation of Disappeared Persons, Truth and Reconciliation Act 2014

The Commission on Investigation of Disappeared Persons, Truth and Reconciliation Act 2014 is Nepal’s latest attempt to establish a transitional programme to respond to conflict era abuses. In part, the Act remedies the inadequacies of the 2013 Ordinance. It creates two commissions, on truth and reconciliation and enforced disappearances, makes provision for the establishment of a Special Court to try past abuses and incorporates systems to enable vulnerable witnesses to participate in truth seeking. Yet in a number of respects it continues to fall short of international legal standards, not least in the possibility of amnesty for international crimes and gross violations of human rights. In addition, the relationship between the three mechanisms – truth seeking, amnesty and prosecution – remains unclear and safeguards for individual rights are lacking. This paper explores these recent developments, highlighting issues that must be remedied if transitional justice objectives are to be achieved in Nepal.

Back to the future : the war on terror and its impact on civil liberties

This comment looks at the capacity of the Australian Constitution to protect the civil liberties of a small number of citizens and would be citizens whose lives have been forever changed by recent acts of terror and the legislative and executive actions taken by the Commonwealth in response to those terrorist acts. These legal changes have included the creation of specific "terrorism" offences, the legislative proscription of two foreign organisations and, most notably, a significant expansion of ASIO's investigative powers.1
Whilst the Constitution contains a number of provisions and principles protective of civil liberties, in most instances they cannot resist government action expressly aimed at curtailing or infringing individual rights and freedoms. To this end, steps ought to be taken to strengthen existing institutions and mechanisms capable of providing meaningful civil rights scrutiny of government legislation. The comment begins with an examination of the close historical and legal parallels that exist between the present day and the Cold War era and suggests how the High Court might interpret the defence power should a terrorist attack occur on Australian soil. It concludes with a proposed reform. The reform involves vesting Ch III courts with the power to measure Commonwealth laws against the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights when determining a legal controversy. This may operate to secure better legislative outcomes from a civil liberties perspective without compromising the supremacy of Parliament.

Ethical practice in sex offender assessment : consideration of actuarial and polygraph methods

The current generation of community protection laws represents a shift in priorities that may see the individual rights of sex offenders compromised for the goal of public safety. At the center of many judicial decisions under these laws are the risk assessment reports provided by mental health practitioners. The widespread enactment of laws allowing for additional sanctions for sex offenders, and a burgeoning research literature regarding the methods used to assess risk have served to heighten rather than resolve the ethical concerns associated with professional practice in this area. This article examines ethical issues inherent in the use of two assessment methods commonly used with sex offenders in the correctional context, focusing on actuarial measures and polygraph tests. Properly conducted and adequately reported actuarial findings are considered to provide useful information of sufficient accuracy to inform rather than mislead judicial decision makers, although careful consideration must be given to the limitations of current measures in each individual case. Despite its increasing use, polygraph testing is considered controversial, with little consensus regarding its accuracy or appropriate applications. On the basis of the current state of the professional literature regarding the polygraph, its use with sex offenders raises unresolved ethical concerns.

Spare the rod and spoil the child : should the abolition of corporal punishment be reversed?

The classic English case of Williams v Eady (1893) had, for over a century, supported a teacher acting in loco parentis when inflicting punishment on a child, so long as the punishment was reasonable and given in good faith. But in response to the European Convention on Human Rights, which calls for all to respect a child’s right not to be “subject to torture or to inhumane or degrading treatment” (Article 3), many countries have banned the practice of using corporal punishment in schools. This might even include the use of reasonable force to prevent a student from injuring others or causing damage to property if it is seen as a form of discipline or punishment. Schools, therefore, have a difficult task of striking a balance between providing a safe environment for the whole school community and a child’s individual rights. This paper gives an overview of the trends in the United States, Australia, New Zealand, England, Canada and Singapore concerning corporal punishment, and then discusses the implications for employing or banning corporal punishment as a disciplinary strategy. The discussion takes on a brief jurisprudential analysis of this issue: that is, whether, corporal punishment, if carried out reasonably, is seen as a proper form of discipline, ensuring a safe and disciplined environment in which the school community, as a whole, might operate. Is the teaching profession over regulated in the area of physical discipline? If so, would the continuation or reintroduction of corporal punishment make sense, or would it make education an even riskier business?

Corporal punishment - archaic or reasonable discipline method?

The classic English case of Williams v Eady (1893) had, for over a century, supported a teacher acting in loco parentis when inflicting punishment on a child, so long as the punishment was reasonable and given in good faith. But in response to Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights ('ECHR '), which calls for all to respect a child's right not to be 'subject to torture or to inhumane or degrading treatment', many countries have banned the practice of using corporal punishment in schools. This might even include the use of reasonable force to prevent a Student from injuring others or causing damage to property if it is seen as a form of discipline or punishment. Schools, therefore, have a difficult task of striking a balance between providing a safe environment for the whole school community and a child's individual rights. This paper gives an overview of corporal punishment trends in the United States (US), Australia, New Zealand, England, Canada and Singapore, and then looks briefly at the jurisprudence of the courts on this issue. It then discusses the implications for employing or banning corporal punishment as a disciplinary strategy, and in particular whether corporal punishment, if carried out reasonably, could be considered a reasonable form of discipline, ensuring a safe and disciplined environment in which the school community, as a whole, might operate.

Statelessness, identity cards and citizenship as status in the case of the Nubians of Kenya

Statelessness as a legal and political problem has attracted increasing attention from scholars and international advocacy organisations in recent years. This attention has predominantly focussed on the legal aspects of statelessness, and has generally held the acquisition of citizenship documentation as the primary goal in remedying citizenship deprivation. This article explores the merits of this focus through a case study of the Nubians of Kenya, widely considered stateless until recently. The article connects the focus on citizenship as documented status to a liberal conception of citizenship. The article identifies the ways in which this approach is helpful, that is, as a means of pursuing legal status and possession of individual rights. It then goes on to identify more important ways in which a liberal conception of citizenship falls short of accounting for the Nubians’ citizenship problems by neglecting the more collective dimensions of citizenship practice and recognition.

A legitimidade do Ministério Público no ajuizamento de Ação Civil Pública na defesa de direitos individuais disponíveis

Estudo sobre ação civil pública e sua utilização na defesa de di rei tos essencialmente individuais. Análise do rol de legitimados para ajuizar esta ação. Presença de interesse social que justifica a propositura da ação civil pública na defesa de di rei tos individuais disponíveis homogêneos pelo Ministério Público. Garantia do acesso pleno à justiça através da atuação do Ministério Público. Estudo de caso que demonstra a ineficiência, em algumas hipóteses, das ações individuais. Verificação dos benefícios da propositura de uma ação civil pública: acesso à justiça, economia processual, segurança jurídica e evitar a ilicitude lucrativa.