Some Incidents and Circumstances Written by William F. Haile in the Course of his Life, 1859

William Frederick Haile was born in Putney, Windham County, Vermont on November 4th, 1791. He was raised in Fairfield, Herkimer County, New York. At the age of 21 he entered the United States Army. He served in the War of 1812 as a lieutenant in the 11th United States Infantry. He was severely wounded in the Battle of Lundy’s Lane [not mentioned in this memoir]. After the war he settled in Plattsburgh, New York and became a lawyer. He was a judge from April 1837 to March of 1843. He was also the fifth collector of customs for the District of Champlain. He died on October 1861 at the age of 69. This document was written for the children of William Frederick Haile in January of 1859 [as noted on p.23]. The memoir ends in July of 1814 before the Battle of Lundy’s Lane. Haile’s memoir is laced with names of military personnel and he expresses his opinions freely.

Some Incidents and Circumstances

- The first part of the document traces Mr. Haile’s lineage. His father, James Haile was a farmer. His grandfather, Amos Haile was a sailor for the early part of his life. He was placed on a British man-of- war in about 1758. He escaped and settled in Putney. (p.1) - His father’s mother’s maiden name was Parker. His mother’s maiden name was Campbell. Her father was a captain in the Revolutionary Army. (p.2) - His earliest memories revolve around the death of his aunt and the funeral of General Washington (although he did not witness this). At the time, his father was a Lieutenant in a regiment militia of Light Dragoons who wore red coats. (p.3) - In 1804, an addition was added to the Haile house which necessitated that William was to stay home to help with the building. He continued to study and read on his own. He was particularly interested in Napoleon Bonaparte’s victories. In that same year he was sent to Fairfield Academy where Reverend Caleb Alexander was the principal. (p.4) - On June 1, 1812, William was appointed as an Ensign in the Infantry of the Army of the United States. He was put into the recruiting service at Nassau (20 miles east of Albany) where he remained until September. (p.4) - He was assigned to the 11th Regiment of the W.S. Infantry and directed to proceed to Plattsburgh to report to Colonel Isaac Clark. (p.7) - He was assigned to the company commanded by Captain Samuel H. Halley who was not in the best of health and often absent. For a good part of the time William was in charge of the company. (p.8) - The 11th Regiment was encamped beside the 15th Regiment commanded by Col. Zebulon Montgomery Pike [Pike’s Peak was named after him]. Col. Pike generously drilled and disciplined the 11th Regiment since their officers didn’t seem capable of doing so. (p.8) - The first brigade to which William’s regiment was attached to was commanded by Brigadier General Bloomfield of New Jersey. Brigadier Chandler of Maine commanded the second brigade. (p.9) - At the beginning of November, Major General Dearborn took command of the army. He had been a good officer in his time, but William refers to him as “old and inefficient” earning him the nickname “Granny Dearborn” (p.9) - On November 17th, 1812, General Dearborn moved north with his army. The troops ended up in Champlain. There was no fighting, only a skirmish between a party of men under Colonel Pike and a few British troops who he succeeded in capturing. (p.10) - The troops were moved to barracks for the winter. Colonel Pike’s troops were put into suitable barracks and kept healthy but another part of the army (including the 11th Regiment) were sent to a barracks of green lumber north of Burlington. Disease soon broke out in the damp barracks and the hundreds of deaths soon followed. One morning, William counted 22 bodies who had died the previous night. He puts a lot of this down to an inexperienced commanding officer, General Chandler. (p.11) - At the beginning of 1813, William was stationed as a recruiter on the shore of Shoreham across from Fort Ticonderoga. In February, he returned to Burlington with his recruits. In March he received an order from General Chandler to proceed to Whitehall and take charge of the stores and provisions. In April and May it was decided that his half of the regiment (the First Battalion) should march to Sackett’s Harbour, Lake Ontario. They arrived at Sackett’s Harbour about the 10th of June, a few days after the Battle of Sackett’s Harbour. (p.12) - He was camped near the site of Fort Oswego and got word to head back to Sackett’s Harbour. A storm overtook the schooner that he was on. (p.14) - William was involved in the Battle of Williamsburg (or Chrysler’s Farm) which he calls a “stupid and bungling affair on the part of our generals”.(p. 18) - General Covington was wounded and died a few days after the battle. (p.19) - William speaks of being ill. The troops were ordered to march to Buffalo, but he is able to go to his father’s house in Fairfield where his mother nursed him back to health (p.23) - Upon arrival at Buffalo, the “old fogy Generals” were replaced with younger, more efficient men. (p.25) - On page 27 he sums up a few facts: In 1812, the army was assembled on Lake Champlain with the intention of capturing Montreal, and then Quebec. That year, under General Dearborn the army marched as far as Champlain, then turned back and went into winter quarters. In 1813, the army was assembled at Sackett’s Harbour and that year the campaign ended at French Mills which was 70 or 80 miles from Montreal. In 1814, the army at Buffalo were some 400 miles from Montreal with still the same object in view. - He says that these facts make “a riddle – difficult to explain”. (p.27) - On the evening of July 2nd they embarked on the boats with the objective of capturing Fort Erie. The enemy were all made prisoners of war (p.27) - On July 4th they went to Street’s Creek, 2 miles above the Chippewa [Chippawa] River (p.28) - Page 29 is titled The Battle of Chippewa [Chippawa] - He speaks of 2 drummers who were fighting over the possession of a drum when a cannonball came along and took of both of their heads (p.29) - He proclaims that this was one of the “most brilliant battles of the war”. The battle was fought and won in less than an hour after they left their tents. He credits General Scott with this success and states that was due to his rapid orders and movements. (p.30) - The dead of the battle remained on the field during the night. He describes this as quite gloomy seeing friend and foe lying side by side. At daybreak they set to work digging trenches to bury the dead. (p.31) - Colonel Campbell was wounded and advised to have his leg amputated. He refused, and subsequently died. (p.32) - It is said that the British threw several of their dead into the river and they went over the Falls. (p.32) - His troops repaired the bridge over Chippawa which the enemy had partially destroyed and then pursued the British as far as Queenston Heights. (p.32) - On pages 33 and 34 he speaks about meeting an old friend of his, Philip Harter. - The account ends at Queenston Heights

Two wars, an autobiography of Gen. Samuel G. French... mexican war ; war between the states, a diary ; reconstruction period, his experiences ; incidents, reminiscences, etc.

UANL

Incidents of travel in central América, Chiapas and Yucatan

UANL

Gestion du risque sécuritaire et prédiction des incidents disciplinaires : la contribution des modèles d'importation, de privation et du LS/CMI

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Les facteurs liés au cheminement judiciaire des incidents commis en contexte conjugal

La violence conjugale est un phénomène criminel fréquent au Québec. En 2008, les infractions commises en contexte conjugal représentaient plus de 20 % des crimes contre la personne signalés à la police (Ministère de la Sécurité publique, 2010). L’intervention policière et judiciaire en contexte conjugal est complexe, notamment en raison du lien unissant l’agresseur et la victime. Bien que le pouvoir discrétionnaire des intervenants judiciaires en contexte conjugal ait été grandement limité au cours des dernières décennies, ceux-ci bénéficient toujours d’une certaine latitude dans leur décision de poursuivre, ou non, différentes étapes du processus judiciaire. Au fil du temps, plusieurs études se sont intéressées aux éléments influençant la prise de décision en contexte conjugal. Cependant, celles-ci ne portent généralement que sur une seule étape du processus et certains facteurs décisionnels n’ont jamais été testés empiriquement. C’est notamment le cas des éléments liés aux stéréotypes de la violence conjugale. Certains auteurs mentionnent que les incidents qui ne correspondent pas au stéréotype de l’agresseur masculin violentant une victime qualifiée d’irréprochable et d’innocente font l’objet d’un traitement judiciaire plus sommaire, mais ces affirmations ne reposent, à notre connaissance, sur aucune donnée empirique. Cette étude tente de vérifier cette hypothèse en examinant l’impact de ces éléments sur cinq décisions policières et judiciaires. À partir d’une analyse de contenu quantitative de divers documents liés au cheminement judiciaire de 371 incidents commis en contexte conjugal sur le territoire du Centre opérationnel Nord du Service de police de la Ville de Montréal en 2008, la thèse examine l’utilisation du pouvoir discrétionnaire dans le traitement judiciaire de ces incidents. Elle comporte trois objectifs spécifiques. Le premier objectif permet la description du cheminement judiciaire des incidents commis en contexte conjugal. Nos résultats indiquent que ceux-ci font l’objet d’un traitement plus punitif puisqu’ils font plus fréquemment l’objet de procédures à la cour que les autres types de crimes. Cette judiciarisation plus systématique pourrait expliquer le faible taux de condamnation de ceux-ci (17,2 %). Le second objectif permet la description des principales caractéristiques de ces incidents. La majorité implique des gestes de violence physique et les policiers interviennent généralement auprès de conjoints actuels. La plupart des victimes rapportent la présence de violences antérieures au sein du couple et le tiers veulent porter plainte contre le suspect. Finalement, 78 % des incidents impliquent un agresseur masculin et une victime féminine et 14,29 % des victimes sont soupçonnées d’avoir posé le premier geste hostile ou violent lors de l’incident. Le dernier objectif permet l’identification des principaux éléments associés aux décisions prises en contexte conjugal. Les résultats confirment l’hypothèse selon laquelle les incidents n’impliquant pas un agresseur masculin et une victime féminine ou ceux dont les policiers soupçonnent la victime d’avoir posé le premier geste hostile ou violent font l’objet d’un traitement judiciaire plus sommaire. En outre, la majorité des facteurs décisionnels étudiés perdent de leur influence au cours du processus judiciaire et les décisions prises précédemment influencent fortement les décisions subséquentes. Finalement, le désir de porter plainte de la victime n’influence pas directement les décisions des intervenants judiciaires.

Aggressive incidents inside a Montreal barroom involving patrons, barmaids and bouncers : a micro level examination of routine activity theory

Objectives: This article further examines the phenomenon of aggression inside barrooms by relying on the “bouncer-ethnographer” methodology. The objective is to investigate variations in aggression through time and space according to the role and routine of the target in a Montreal barroom. Thus, it provides an examination of routine activity theory at the micro level: the barroom. Methods: For a period of 258 nights of observation in a Canadian barroom, bouncers completed reports on each intervention and provided specific information regarding what happened, when and where within the venue. In addition, the bouncer-ethnographer compiled field observations and interviews with bar personnel in order to identify aggression hotspots and “rush hours” for three types of actors within barrooms: (a) bouncers, (b) barmaids and (c) patrons. Findings: Three different patterns emerged for shifting hotspots of aggression depending on the target. As the night progresses, aggressive incidents between patrons, towards barmaids and towards bouncers have specific hotspots and rush hours influenced by the specific routine of the target inside the barroom. Implications: The current findings enrich those of previous work by pointing to the relevance of not only examining the environmental characteristics of the barroom, but also the role of the target of aggression. Crime opportunities follow routine activities, even within a specific location on a micro level. Routine activity theory is thus relevant in this context, because as actors in differing roles follow differing routines, as do their patterns of victimization.

Visual management of sags and incidents gathered in distribution substations for power quality management

Monitor a distribution network implies working with a huge amount of data coining from the different elements that interact in the network. This paper presents a visualization tool that simplifies the task of searching the database for useful information applicable to fault management or preventive maintenance of the network

ALPS Workshop 4 p18 Examples of practice incidents

Animation

The incidents of housing policies in the process of nesting the urban space (Buenos Aires, 1870-1999)

This article describes the housing policies displayed historically in B.A. that affected the processes of configuration and of giving hierarchy to the urban space. Since the process of modernization of B.A., at the end of the XIXth century, housing measures, urbanistic projects and political decisions have influenced the building of the city and the space distribution of their inhabitants: in this way, they have integrated some people and excluded others. No wonder, that, historically, popular sectors have established themselves in the South of the city (and in outskirt villages). These zones have been disregarded by the state, which has invested less in these areas. We will see how the connection between state housing policies and the population redistribution in the city, confirms the persistence of a strong process of urban and residential segregation that tends to expel the inhabitants of popular sectors and to attract the ones of the middle-class and high class sectors.