989 resultados para great depression


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This paper constructs new business cycle indices for Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico based on common dynamic factors extracted from a comprehensive set of sectoral output, external trade, fiscal and financial variables. The analysis spans the 135 years since the insertion of these economies into the global economy in the 1870s. The constructed indices are used to derive a business cyc1e chronology for these countries and characterize a set of new stylized facts. In particular, we show that ali four countries have historically displayed a striking combination of high business cyc1e volatility and persistence relative to advanced country benchmarks. Volatility changed considerably over time, however, being very high during early formative decades through the Great Depression, and again during the 1970s and ear1y 1980s, before declining sharply in three of the four countries. We also identify a sizeable common factor across the four economies which variance decompositions ascribe mostly to foreign interest rates and shocks to commodity terms of trade.

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There has been 47 recessions in the United States of America (US) since 1790. US recessions have increasingly affected economies of other countries in the world as nations become more and more interdependent on each other. The worst economic recession so far was the “Great Depression” – an economic recession that was caused by the 1929 crash of the stock market in the US. The 2008 economic recession in the US was a result of the burst of the “housing bubble” created by predatory lending. The economic recession resulted in increased unemployment (according to NBER 8.7 million jobs were lost from Feb. 2008 to Feb. 2010); decrease in GDP by 5.1%; increase in poverty level from 12.1% (2007) to 16.0% (2008) (NBER) This dissertation is an attempt to research the impact of the 2008 economic recession on different types of residential investments: a case study of five (5) diverse neighborhoods/zip codes in Washington DC, USA The main findings were that the effect of the 2008 economic depression on the different types of residential properties was dependent on the location of the property and the demographics/socio-economic factors associated with that location.

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The private equity industry was experiencing a phenomenal boom at the turn of the century but collapsed abruptly in 2008 with the onset of the financial crisis. Considered one of the worst crises since the Great Depression of the 1930s, it had sent ripples around the world threatening the collapse of financial institutions and provoking a liquidity crunch followed by a huge downturn in economic activity and recession. Furthermore, the physiognomy of the financial landscape had considerably altered with banks retracting from the lending space, accompanied by a hardening of financial regulation that sought to better contain systemic risk. Given the new set of changes and challenges that had arisen from this period of financial turmoil, private equity found itself having to question current practices and methods of operation in order to adjust to the harsh realities of a new post-apocalyptic world. Consequently, this paper goes on to explore how the private equity business, management and operation model has evolved since the credit crunch with a specific focus on mature markets such as the United States and Europe. More specifically, this paper will aim to gather insights on the development of the industry since the crisis in Western Europe through a case study approach using as a base interviews with professionals working in the industry and those external to the sector but who have/have had considerable interaction with PE players from 2007 to the present.

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography

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Following a five-year period during which economic and social performance in Latin America and the Caribbean surpassed anything seen in recent decades, the global economic and financial crisis not only hurt macroeconomic variables but also impacted heavily on labour markets in the region’s countries. Between 2003 and 2008 employment rates had risen considerably, especially in the formal sector, but the crisis spelled a reversal of this trend. Nevertheless, the region was better prepared than it had been in previous crises, since it had achieved a sound fiscal footing, a good level of international reserves and low rates of inflation. This meant that the authorities had the space to implement countercyclical policies on both fiscal and monetary levels. Be this as it may, faced with the worst global crisis since the Great Depression of the 1930s, these measures could only attenuate the impact on the region’s economies —they could not prevent it altogether. Furthermore, the crisis struck with notable differences among subregions and countries depending on the nature of their trade integration, and not all the countries had the fiscal space to implement vigorous countercyclical policies. As discussed in this third ECLAC/ILO bulletin, the crisis did less damage to the region’s labour markets than had been feared at the beginning of last year, thanks to the implementation of public policies geared towards employment, as reviewed in the two previous bulletins. This bulletin offers an additional analysis from the perspective of gender equality. Moreover, some countries in the region, notably Brazil, managed to rapidly stabilize and revive economic growth, with positive effects on labour variables. The fact remains, however, that millions in Latin America and the Caribbean lost their jobs or were obliged to accept more poorly paid employment in more precarious conditions. The macroeconomic data indicate that recovery is under way and is stronger and occurring more rapidly than foreseen one year ago. In fact, regional growth in 2010 may well exceed the 4.1% forecast at the end of 2009. Consequently, although the unemployment rate may be expected to record a modest drop, it may not return to pre-crisis levels. The upturn is taking many different forms in the countries of the region. In some, especially in South America, recovery has benefited from the buoyancy of the Asian economies, whose demand for natural resources has driven large increases in exports, in terms of both volume and price. Countries whose economies are closely tied to the United States economy are benefiting from the recovery there, albeit more slowly and with a certain lag. Conversely, some countries are still suffering from major disequilibria, which are hampering their economic reactivation. Lastly, Chile and Haiti were both victims of devastating earthquakes early in the year and are therefore facing additional challenges associated with reconstruction, on top of their efforts to sustain an economic upturn. Despite the relatively favourable outlook for regional growth in 2010, great uncertainty still surrounds the global economy’s recovery, which affects the region’s economic prospects over the longer term. The weakness of the recovery in some regions and the doubts about its sustainability in others, as well as shocks that have occurred in international financial markets, are warning signs which authorities need to monitor continuously because of the region’s close integration with the global economy. In addition, a return to growth does not directly or automatically mean higher employment rates —still less decent working conditions. Although some labour indicators have performed reasonably favourably since the end of last year, the countries still face daunting challenges in improving the labour market integration of millions in Latin America and the Caribbean who are not seeing the fruits of renewed growth. This is why it is important to learn the lessons arising from the policies implemented during the crisis to offset its impact on labour markets. With this third joint bulletin, ECLAC and ILO continue to pursue their objective of affording the region the information and analyses needed to face these challenges, as regards both trends in the region’s labour markets and the corresponding policy options.

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Includes bibliography.

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The bursting of the property bubble – subprime mortgage crisis – in 2007 in the United States has engendered panic, recession fears and turmoil in the global financial system. Although the United States economy grew by 0.6 per cent in the last quarter of 2007, down from 4.9 per cent in the previous quarter, day by day worsening scenarios emerge, from escalating oil prices, to a depreciating dollar and financial institutions’ bailout by the Federal Reserve. Many economists and policy makers share the view that a subprime-led recession – i.e. two consecutive quarters with negative growth – is inevitable and will be much deeper and longer than the 2001 dot-com downturn. Moreover, the critical situation of the financial system has driven some analysts to argue that should the monetary policy response fails to restore confidence among investors, the outcome would be the worst crisis seen since the Great Depression. This pessimism is not only among specialists. Indeed, in late March 2008 the Consumer Confidence Index in the United States recorded its lowest level since February 1992. A recession in the United States will undoubtedly have an important impact on the world economy, despite the continuous rapid growth experienced by emerging economies, particularly China and India. The purpose of this article is threefold: first, to characterize the current situation in the United States economy; second, to discuss the economic policy responses; and finally, to elaborate on how Caribbean economies may be affected.

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With external conditions sluggish and highly uncertain as the global economy still struggles to shake off the effects of the economic crisis of 2008-2009, the Latin American and Caribbean region is not isolated from these effects and is projected to record a small drop in gross domestic product (GDP) in 2015, followed by a weak recovery in 2016. Against this backdrop, 2015 will be the third consecutive year of increasing declines in regional export values; a state of affairs not seen since the Great Depression of the 1930s. This poor performance reflects the end of the commodity price boom, the slowdown of the Chinese economy, the weak recovery of the eurozone and the lacklustre economic activity in the region, particularly in South America.

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The thinking that has unilaterally dominated economic science for over five decades has recently come under intensive scrutiny and its validity and conceptual and empirical coherence are the subject of controversy. Thus the limitations of the prevailing paradigm for addressing the failures of free market economies have been laid bare. For Latin America and the Caribbean, these failures are structural in nature, as indeed structuralism proposed in its time. Neostructuralism delves more deeply into the issues addressed in structuralism, aiming to improve positioning in the international economy, boost productive employment creation, reduce structural heterogeneity and improve income distribution, while maintaining financial balances capable of sustaining changes in the sphere of production by means of social and State support. Far from being an insular system of thinking, neostructuralism is an open system that lends itself to dialogue with other philosophies that recognize the limitations of the dominant paradigm and object to its methodological monism. This book offers a fresh look at neostructuralism and heterodox thinking at the start of the twenty-first century. In a context shaped by the impacts of the worst economic and financial crisis since the Great Depression and by paradigmatic changes at the global level, it aims to carve out arenas for discussion between alternative lines of thinking in order to lay the foundations for a socioeconomically inclusive and environmentally sustainable model of development for the region.

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The present article discuss how world economic transformations, meanly in the course of structural crisis, conditioned the development strategies of Latin America in the large period between the Great Depression in the 1930s and the 2007 open crisis in the USA. The article provides special attention to national development projects. This paper defends that the outbreak and crisis of developmentism, as well the neoliberal accumulation standard advent, may only be explained, not disregarding the great importance of internal factors, from the international division of labor transformations, the policies and actions of main countries, the geopolitical position of countries and the forces correlation in international scale.

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This paper aims to use the theoretical framework developed by Hyman P. Minsky for understanding the concept of financial fragility observed in the capitalist system. It is intended to clarify the concept of intrinsic instability to which capitalism is subject, which is responsible for generating more economic cycles - periods of prosperity and crashes that affect global economies - particularly the one initiated in the United States in 2008. Thus, we made theoretical analysis of the theory of economic cycles and financial instability beyond historical reviews on the biggest financial crisis since the Great Depression

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The Yorkville Enquirer collection consists of bound weekly issues of the York County, South Carolina newspaper from 1931, 1933-1935. The newspaper, published in York, S.C., highlights news from all York County and surrounding counties and South Carolina.

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The Jessie Huey Laurence Papers primarily consist of correspondence, but also included are speeches, program notes, minutes, financial records, photographs, clippings, and scrapbooks relating to her role in the South Carolina Federation of Women’s Clubs (1928-1937); her promotion of a compulsory school attendance bill for South Carolina (1934-1936); the formation of the South Carolina Council for the Common Good (1935); Works Progress Administration (WPA) and Public Works Administration (PWA) projects in South Carolina; and her interest in the Catawba Indians of York County, as chairman of Indian Affairs Committee for the Catawba Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution. Subjects include literacy, Santee-Cooper Dam, Winthrop College, World War II, York County Historical Society, York, Chester, and Lancaster Counties and family history material including: Adams, Craig, Jackson, Lesslie, Lessly, Mull, Muehl, Robinson, Taylor, Weidner, Witherspoon, and Wylie families.

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The James Pinckney Kinard Papers consist of family history charts of the Kinard family and related Kuhn and Summer families, and a Kinard family history, personal correspondence including letters to and from his wife Lee Wicker Kinard (1873-1963), their daughter Nelle Kinard, and other family members, business correspondence, financial papers, literary manuscripts, scrapbooks, and photographs pertaining to Kinard’s student days at the Citadel, his personal and family affairs, his teaching career, his presidency of Winthrop, and his efforts to get his literary manuscripts published. This collection consists primarily of correspondence and offers an informative insight into the personal lives and family affairs of Dr. Kinard and his wife, Mrs. Lee Wicker Kinard. The correspondence generally deals with Dr. Kinard’s struggle against the South Carolina legislature’s cuts in educational appropriations for Winthrop during the Depression; and his varied activities on behalf of Winthrop as President Emeritus. The collection also includes several unpublished manuscripts ranging from his student days at the Citadel to his later life. Areas of research would perhaps include, among others, biographical information on Dr. Kinard and social history during the Depression.