689 resultados para democracy promotion


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Legislation regulating advance directives exists in six Australian jurisdictions. In all of these jurisdictions, legislation was enacted to enshrine the common law right of a competent adult to refuse treatment in advance, even if that treatment was required to sustain life. It was thought that enshrining the common law would also enshrine the principle of autonomy on which the common law was based. This article explores whether this is the case by examining the legislative restrictions that are imposed on a competent adult who wishes to complete an advance directive refusing treatment. The article reviews the legislation in all Australian jurisdictions and concludes that, while many of the legislative restrictions can be justified, many cannot as they effectively erode rather than promote the right of a competent adult to refuse treatment.

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The Victorian Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisation’s (VACCHO) Public Health and Research Unit delivered an Aboriginal Health Promotion Short Course in Mildura in 2009. ----- The VACCHO delivered Aboriginal Health Promotion Short Course included current health promotion theory and practice as it specifically relates to Aboriginal people within Victoria. As Aboriginal people have a higher risk of cardiovascular disease and type 2 diabetes, the course specifically addressed risk factors for chronic disease including smoking, physical activity, nutrition and mental health and well-being. Hence, a key part of the course involved participants working in groups to plan a health promotion program for one of the key health issues- smoking, physical activity and nutrition, or spiritual health and wellbeing. The aim is for participants to use these programs in their daily work with Aboriginal clients.

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Background: Due to increases in HIV notifications in Queensland, a health promotion outreach project was developed with sex on premises venues (SOPV) in Brisbane. Methods: A health promotion officer (HPO) promoted safer sex behaviours among SOPV patrons over 14 months, including providing information, counselling and skills to enhance safer sexual behaviours and providing referrals. Surveys were introduced to facilitate discussions regarding HIV/sexually transmissible infections, testing and safer sex practices. Results: The project demonstrated feasibility within this highly sexualised environment, and was enhanced by careful monitoring and revising the procedure to improve patron/staff responses to the project. The introduction of a survey instrument was a significant contributor to the project’s effectiveness, providing opportunities for patrons to discuss a variety of key sexual health issues. Conclusions: This initiative reflected effective partnering between the Health Department, a community HIV/lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender organisation and private industry. Despite initial difficulties, the presence of a health worker within an SOPV was acceptable to patrons and allowed for brief interventions to be conducted. This project was deemed effective for a limited time period and within certain constraints.

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If one clear argument emerged from my doctoral thesis in political science, it is that there is no agreement as to what democracy is. There are over 40 different varieties of democracy ranging from those in the mainstream with subtle or minute differences to those playing by themselves in the corner. And many of these various types of democracy are very well argued, empirically supported, and highly relevant to certain polities. The irony is that the thing which all of these democratic varieties or the ‘basic democracy’ that all other forms of democracy stem from, is elusive. There is no international agreement in the literature or in political practice as to what ‘basic democracy’ is and that is problematic as many of us use the word ‘democracy’ every day and it is a concept of tremendous importance internationally. I am still uncertain as to why this problem has not been resolved before by far greater minds than my own, and it may have something to do with the recent growth in democratic theory this past decade and the innovative areas of thought my thesis required, but I think I’ve got the answer. By listing each type of democracy and filling the column next to this list with the literature associated with these various styles of democracy, I amassed a large and comprehensive body of textual data. My research intended to find out what these various styles of democracy had in common and to create a taxonomy (like the ‘tree of life’ in biology) of democracy to attempt at showing how various styles of democracy have ‘evolved’ over the past 5000 years.ii I then ran a word frequency analysis program or a piece of software that counts the 100 most commonly used words in the texts. This is where my logic came in as I had to make sense of these words. How did they answer what the most fundamental commonalities are between 40 different styles of democracy? I used a grounded theory analysis which required that I argue my way through these words to form a ‘theory’ or plausible explanation as to why these particular words and not others are the important ones for answering the question. It came down to the argument that all 40 styles of democracy analysed have the following in common 1) A concept of a citizenry. 2) A concept of sovereignty. 3) A concept of equality. 4) A concept of law. 5) A concept of communication. 6) And a concept of selecting officials. Thus, democracy is a defined citizenry with its own concept of sovereignty which it exercises through the institutions which support the citizenry’s understandings of equality, law, communication, and the selection of officials. Once any of these 6 concepts are defined in a particular way it creates a style of democracy. From this, we can also see that there can be more than one style of democracy active in a particular government as a citizenry is composed of many different aggregates with their own understandings of the six concepts.

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This article provides a critical review of the literature relevant to the conceptual foundations of health promoting palliative care. It explores the separate emergence and evolution of palliative care and health promotion as distinct concerns in health care, and reviews the early considerations given to their potential convergence. Finally, this article examines the proposal of health promoting palliative care as a specific approach to providing end of life care through a social model of palliative care. Research is needed to explore the impact for communities, health care services and policy when such an approach is implemented within palliative care organisations.

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Articles > Journals > Health journals > Nutrition & Dietetics: The Journal of the Dieticians Association of Australia articles > March 2003 Article: An assessment of the potential of Family Day Care as a nutrition promotion setting in South Australia. (Original Research). Article from:Nutrition & Dietetics: The Journal of the Dieticians Association of Australia Article date:March 1, 2003 Author:Daniels, Lynne A.; Franco, Bunny; McWhinnie, Julie-Anne CopyrightCOPYRIGHT 2006 Dietitians Association of Australia. This material is published under license from the publisher through the Gale Group, Farmington Hills, Michigan. All inquiries regarding rights or concerns about this content should be directed to customer service. (Hide copyright information) Related articles Ads by Google TAFE Child Care Courses Government accredited courses. Study anytime, anywhere. www.seeklearning.com.au Get Work in Child Care Certificate III Children's Services 4 Day Course + Take Home Assessment HBAconsult.com.au Abstract Objective: To assess the potential role of Family Day Care in nutrition promotion for preschool children. Design and setting: A questionnaire to examine nutrition-related issues and practices was mailed to care providers registered in the southern region of Adelaide, South Australia. Care providers also supplied a descriptive, qualitative recall of the food provided by parents or themselves to each child less than five years of age in their care on the day closest to completion of the questionnaire. Subjects: 255 care providers. The response rate was 63% and covered 643 preschool children, mean 4.6 (SD 2.8) children per carer. Results: There was clear agreement that nutrition promotion was a relevant issue for Family Day Care providers. Nutrition and food hygiene knowledge was good but only 54% of respondents felt confident to address food quality issues with parents. Sixty-five percent of respondents reported non-neutral approaches to food refusal and dawdling (reward, punishment, cajoling) that overrode the child's control of the amount eaten. The food recalls indicated that most children (> 75%) were offered fruit at least once. Depending on the hours in care, (0 to 4, 5 to 8, greater than 8 hours), 20%, 32% and 55%, respectively, of children were offered milk and 65%, 82% and 87%, respectively, of children were offered high fat and sugar foods. Conclusions: Questionnaire responses suggest that many care providers are committed to and proactive in a range of nutrition promotion activities. There is scope for strengthening skills in the management of common problems, such as food refusal and dawdling, consistent with the current evidence for approaches to early feeding management that promote the development of healthy food preferences and eating patterns. Legitimising and empowering care providers in their nutrition promotion role requires clear policies, guide lines, adequate pre- and in-service training, suitable parent materials, and monitoring.

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Purpose Samoan communities in Australia exhibit a disproportionate rate of kidney disease compared with other Australians. This article describes a research project that used a culturally sensitive framework, Fa’afaletui, to help reduce the barriers of language and culture and increase our understanding of the factors contributing to kidney disease, in one Samoan community in Australia. Design Semistructured group interviews were undertaken with Samoan community families and groups. The interviews were analyzed according to key concepts embedded in the Fa’afaletui framework. Findings Four factors associated with health risks in this Samoan community emerged—diet and exercise; issues related to the collective (incorporating the village, church, and family); tapu or cultural protocols; and the importance of language. Conclusions The findings suggest that future kidney health promotion initiatives within this Samoan community will be more effective if they are sensitive to Samoan cultural norms, language, and context.

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This research focuses on exploring the links between sport, Indigenous self determination and deeper engagement within mainstream Australia especially with regard to the issue of promoting healthy lifestyles and the role of governance, through sport governance. Against all social, economic and health criteria Indigenous Australians are disadvantaged – despite government attention and financial input. It is well understood that education is a basis to better health, employment and lifestyle (Furneaux and Brown, 2008). However, many of the issues confronting Indigenous people have not responded to conventional government approaches based on program development and policy initiatives from single organisations (Ryan et al 2006). As a consequence, new approaches that both tap into the specific interests of Indigenous people and better engage them in the process of governance are required. The case material of the research focuses on the Australian Football League (AFL) Kickstart program.

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This thesis describes a discrete component of a larger mixed-method (survey and interview) study that explored the health-promotion and risk-reduction practices of younger premenopausal survivors of ovarian, breast and haematological cancers. This thesis outlines my distinct contribution to the larger study, which was to: (1) Produce a literature review that thoroughly explored all longer-term breast cancer treatment outcomes, and which outlined the health risks to survivors associated with these; (2) Describe and analyse the health-promotion and risk-reduction behaviours of nine younger female survivors of breast cancer as articulated in the qualitative interview dataset; and (3) Test the explanatory power of the Precede-Proceed theoretical framework underpinning the study in relation to the qualitative data from the breast cancer cohort. The thesis reveals that breast cancer survivors experienced many adverse outcomes as a result of treatment. While they generally engaged in healthy lifestyle practices, a lack of knowledge about many recommended health behaviours emerged throughout the interviews. The participants also described significant internal and external pressures to behave in certain ways because of the social norms surrounding the disease. This thesis also reports that the Precede-Proceed model is a generally robust approach to data collection, analysis and interpretation in the context of breast cancer survivorship. It provided plausible explanations for much of the data in this study. However, profound sociological and psychological implications arose during the analysis that were not effectively captured or explained by the theories underpinning the model. A sociological filter—such as Turner’s explanation of the meaning of the body and embodiment in the social sphere (Turner, 2008)—and the psychological concerns teased out in Mishel’s (1990) Uncertainty in Illness Theory, provided a useful dimension to the findings generated through the Precede-Proceed model. The thesis concludes with several recommendations for future research, clinical practice and education in this context.

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The shift from 20th century mass communications media towards convergent media and Web 2.0 has raised the possibility of a renaissance of the public sphere, based around citizen journalism and participatory media culture. This paper will evaluate such claims both conceptually and empirically. At a conceptual level, it is noted that the question of whether media democratization is occurring depends in part upon how democracy is understood, with some critical differences in understandings of democracy, the public sphere and media citizenship. The empirical work in this paper draws upon various case studies of new developments in Australian media, including online- only newspapers, developments in public service media, and the rise of commercially based online alternative media. It is argued that participatory media culture is being expanded if understood in terms of media pluralism, but that implications for the public sphere depend in part upon how media democratization is defined.

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The shift from 20th century mass communications media towards convergent media and Web 2.0 has raised the possibility of a renaissance of the public sphere, based around citizen journalism and participatory media culture. This paper will evaluate such claims both conceptually and empirically. At a conceptual level, it is noted that the question of whether media democratization is occurring depends in part upon how democracy is understood, with some critical differences in understandings of democracy, the public sphere and media citizenship. The empirical work in this paper draws upon various case studies of new developments in Australian media, including online-only newspapers, developments in public service media, and the rise of commercially based online alternative media. It is argued that participatory media culture is being expanded if understood in terms of media pluralism, but that implications for the public sphere depend in part upon how media democratization is defined.

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This brief presentation considered the possibilities and limitations of strategies to promote electronic democracy pursued so far. In particular it indicated that the problems encountered have only been in part due to technological limitations or even a lack of political will. The stronger set of issues concerns the question of 'why participate?', and how to best facilitate this. The capacity to extent the principals of deliberative democracy through online media is briefly canvassed in the presentation.

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Seven endemic governance problems are shown to be currently present in governments around the globe and at any level of government as well (for example municipal, federal). These problems have their roots traced back through more than two thousand years of political, specifically ‘democratic’, history. The evidence shows that accountability, transparency, corruption, representation, campaigning methods, constitutionalism and long-term goals were problematic for the ancient Athenians as well as modern international democratisation efforts encompassing every major global region. Why then, given the extended time period humans have had to deal with these problems, are they still present? At least part of the answer to this question is that philosophers, academics and NGOs as well as MNOs have only approached these endemic problems in a piecemeal manner with a skewed perspective on democracy. Their works have also been subject to the ebbs and flows of human history which essentially started and stopped periods of thinking. In order to approach the investigation of endemic problems in relation to democracy (as the overall quest of this thesis was to generate prescriptive results for the improvement of democratic government), it was necessary to delineate what exactly is being written about when using the term ‘democracy’. It is common knowledge that democracy has no one specific definition or practice, even though scholars and philosophers have been attempting to create a definition for generations. What is currently evident, is that scholars are not approaching democracy in an overly simplified manner (that is, it is government for the people, by the people) but, rather, are seeking the commonalities that democracies share, in other words, those items which are common to all things democratic. Following that specific line of investigation, the major practiced and theoretical versions of democracy were thematically analysed. After that, their themes were collapsed into larger categories, at which point the larger categories were comparatively analysed with the practiced and theoretical versions of democracy. Four democratic ‘particles’ (selecting officials, law, equality and communication) were seen to be present in all practiced and theoretical democratic styles. The democratic particles fused with a unique investigative perspective and in-depth political study created a solid conceptualisation of democracy. As such, it is argued that democracy is an ever-present element of any state government, ‘democratic’ or not, and the particles are the bodies which comprise the democratic element. Frequency- and proximity-based analyses showed that democratic particles are related to endemic problems in international democratisation discourse. The linkages between democratic particles and endemic problems were also evident during the thematic analysis as well historical review. This ultimately led to the viewpoint that if endemic problems are mitigated the act may improve democratic particles which might strengthen the element of democracy in the governing apparatus of any state. Such may actively minimise or wholly displace inefficient forms of government, leading to a government specifically tailored to the population it orders. Once the theoretical and empirical goals were attained, this thesis provided some prescriptive measures which government, civil society, academics, professionals and/or active citizens can use to mitigate endemic problems (in any country and at any level of government) so as to improve the human condition via better democratic government.

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"International Journalism and Democracy" explores a new form of journalism that has been dubbed ‘deliberative journalism’. As the name suggests, these forms of journalism support deliberation — the processes in which citizens recognize and discuss the issues that affect their communities, appraise the potential responses to those issues, and make decisions about whether and how to take action. Authors from across the globe identify the types of journalism that assist deliberative politics in different cultural and political contexts. Case studies from 15 nations spotlight different approaches to deliberative journalism, including strategies that have been sometimes been labeled as public or civic journalism, peace journalism, development journalism, citizen journalism, the street press, community journalism, social entrepreneurism, or other names. Countries that are studied in-depth include the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, Finland, China, India, Japan, Indonesia, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Nigeria, Brazil, Colombia and Puerto Rico. Each of the approaches that are described offers a distinctive potential to support deliberative democracy. However, the book does not present any of these models or case studies as examples of categorical success. Instead, it explores different elements of the nature, strengths, limitations and challenges of each approach, as well as issues affecting their longer-term sustainability and effectiveness. The book also describes the underlying principles of deliberation, the media’s potential role in deliberation from a theoretical and practical perspective, and ongoing issues for deliberative media practitioners.

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The intention of this work is to explain theoretically that democracy logically exists in China, despite the statements to the contrary by China’s ruling party. We will have to look at several recent developments in social and political theory to fully understand my point. The first involves recent findings in the historical analysis of democracy from thinkers like Keane (2009), Isakhan and Stockwell (2011). The second deals with cosmopolitan theory and 2nd modernity, or from the works of David Held (2003), Ulrich Beck and Edgar Grande (2010) respectively. Finally, the third is a recent work of mine titled “Democratic Theory and Theoretical Physics” (2010).