836 resultados para dance parties
Resumo:
This article sets out a theoretical framework for the study of organisational change within political alliances. To achieve this objective it uses as a starting point a series of premises, the most notable of which include the definition of organisational change as a discrete, complex and focussed phenomenon of changes in power within the party. In accordance with these premises, it analyses the synthetic model of organisational change proposed by Panebianco (1988). After examining its limitations, a number of amendments are proposed to adapt it to the way political alliances operate. The above has resulted in the design of four new models. In order to test its validity and explanatory power in a preliminary manner, the second part looks at the organisational change of the UDC within the CiU alliance between 1978 and 2001. The discussion and conclusions reached demonstrate the problems of determinism of the Panebianco model and suggest, tentatively, the importance of the power balance within the alliance as a key factor.
Resumo:
We report the case of a young break-dancer presenting with hammer syndrome. This syndrome has been correlated with many professional and recreational activities but this is, to our knowledge, the first description of hammer syndrome caused by break-dancing. The etiology, diagnosis and treatment modalities of this rare syndrome are considered.
Resumo:
The aim of this paper is to verify, for the Spanish case, whether between 1977 and 2008 has increased the internal democracy of the major political parties (PSOE, AP / PP, PCE / IU, PNV and CDC). To do this, we will focus on their leadership selection processes, one of the key elements associated with intra-party democracy. The paper is going to introduce data on four different dimensions of leadership selection: the certification process, the voting procedure, the inclusiveness of the selectorate and, finally, the degree of competitiveness. The results will show that have been few changes in the leadership selection processes of the Spanish political parties since 1977. However, the results of the Spanish case will also be used to suggest some preliminary links between the four dimensions.
Resumo:
The mental ability to take the perspective of another person may depend on one's own bodily awareness and experience. In the present study, the former was defined as having a history of an eating disorder, and the latter variable was defined as formal experience with dance. The study used a 2 × 2 × 2 factorial design in which reaction times in two mental perspective taking tasks were compared between female dancers and non-dancers with and without a former eating disorder. Participants were asked to imagine two perspectives: i) the position of front-facing and back-facing figures (3rd person perspective taking task) and ii) that these same figures are a self reflection in a mirror (1st person perspective taking task). In both tasks, a particular hand was indicated in the presented figures, and the participants had to decide whether the hand represented their own left or right hand. Overall, responses were slower for front-facing than back-facing figures in the 3rd person perspective taking task, and for back-facing than front-facing figures in the 1st person perspective taking task. Importantly, having a former history of an eating disorder related to a decreased performance in the 3rd person perspective taking task, but only in participants without dance experience. Results from an additional control group (a history of exercise but no dance experience) indicated that dance is particularly beneficial for mental bodily perspective taking. Dance experience, more so than exercise in general, can benefit 3rd person or extrapersonal perspective taking, supporting the favourable impact this exercise has on own body processing
Resumo:
Aquest document se centra en els casos dels dos principals partits espanyols (PP i PSOE) i catalans (PSC i CDC) en el període immediatament després de les eleccions generals espanyoles de maig de 2008, quan aquests celebraren els seus congressos. En general, es poden distingir tres tipus d'actors: en primer lloc, els ciberactivistes que tracten d'obtenir el reconeixement formal de la seva activitat en els seus partits. Així com, els líders del partit que poden intentar promoure la presència del partit en el ciberespai, però que també poden romandre indecisos perquè no és clar l'impacte electoral a la xarxa del ciberactivisme. Finalment, alguns militants tradicionals (off-line) solen ser reticents al reconeixement del ciberactivisme perquè amenaça les recompenses previstes dins del partit. Aquest article mostra com els nostres partits varen respondre al desafiament del ciberactivisme i arriba a la conclusió que la seva situació electoral, mediada per la seva ideologia, estructura organitzativa i el tipus de militància, poden ajudar-nos a comprendre el grau diferent d'institucionalització en l'organització del partit.
Resumo:
This article examines the relationship between political parties and regional presidents in Italy and Spain, adopting a comparative case study approach based on extensive archival analysis and in-depth interviews with regional politicians. The findings confirm a strong pattern of growing presidentialism at regional level, regardless of whether there are formal mechanisms for direct election, and regardless of the partisan composition of regional government. Regional presidents tend to exert their growing power through a personalised control of regional party organisations, rather than governing past parties in a direct appeal to the electorate. Nevertheless, parties can still present a significant constraint on regional presidents, so successful regional presidents tend to maintain a mediating form of leadership and fully exploit the opportunities for party patronage to build up their support and smooth governing tensions. An autonomist drive helps presidents hold together disparate coalitions or loose parties at regional level, but their lack of internal coherence presents major problems when it comes to political succession.