L'avançament de la introducció d'una llengua estrangera: un fugida cap enrera?

The age at which school children begin instruction in the foreign language has been brought forward on two main grounds: (1) young children are better language learners than older children, and (2) bilingualism brings cognitive advantages to children. Both statements are critically analysed in this paper. First of all, recent research findings show that the advantage that younger learners show in a naturalistic language learning situation (or through school immersion) disappears in a formal language learning situation with very limited exposure to the target language. Secondly, the positive effects on cognitive development that have been revealed through research correspond to situations of balanced bilingualism, that is, situations in which children have a high command of the two languages. In contrast, children¿s command of the foreign language in our context is very limited and hence far from the situation of balanced bilingualism (or trilingualism) that is said to bring positive cognitive effects.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

KulTIC 08. Paradoxes del contacte entre cultures: l'ús pedagògic de la webquest

A Catalunya, la presència de persones immigrades d'arribada recent ha significat un canvi substancial en les percepcions individuals i les representacions socials sobre la diversitat cultural. Aquest canvi ha resultat més destacat entre la població jove, en fase de construcció de la seva identitat, que ha hagut d'abordar les paradoxes del contacte entre cultures a partir d'estratègies de relació poc estructurades i planificades amb aquesta finalitat. La recerca KulTic¿08 ha explorat l'impacte de determinades paradoxes que es produeixen en el contacte amb altres realitats diferents a la pròpia i ha aplicat experimentalment un material en webquest, amb un enfocament socioafectiu i cognitiu i seguint els plantejaments pedagògics de l'aprenentatge cooperatiu.

KulTIC 08. Paradoxes del contacte entre cultures: l'ús pedagògic de la webquest

A Catalunya, la presència de persones immigrades d'arribada recent ha significat un canvi substancial en les percepcions individuals i les representacions socials sobre la diversitat cultural. Aquest canvi ha resultat més destacat entre la població jove, en fase de construcció de la seva identitat, que ha hagut d'abordar les paradoxes del contacte entre cultures a partir d'estratègies de relació poc estructurades i planificades amb aquesta finalitat. La recerca KulTic¿08 ha explorat l'impacte de determinades paradoxes que es produeixen en el contacte amb altres realitats diferents a la pròpia i ha aplicat experimentalment un material en webquest, amb un enfocament socioafectiu i cognitiu i seguint els plantejaments pedagògics de l'aprenentatge cooperatiu.

Intervenció psicopedagògica dels alumnes que presenten algun trastorn generalitzat del desenvolupament: anàlisi d'un cas

La principal idea que es planteja en el present Treball Final de Grau és conèixer com s’intervé en una aula amb un infant que pot presentar algun Trastorn Generalitzat del Desenvolupament (TGD). Concretament, a través de l’anàlisi d’un cas, on la hipòtesi diagnòstica actual és un retard cognitiu lleu, ja que no mostra un diagnòstic clar. No obstant, aquesta intervenció s’adequarà als símptomes i característiques de cada infant. Per tal de contemplar el desenvolupament de l’infant, s’han dut a terme diverses activitats referents a l’aprenentatge cooperatiu que han ajudat ha observar la interacció del nen amb els altres infants.

La importància de l'educació emocional en l'aprenentatge i les relacions personals

El propòsit d’aquest estudi és fer un anàlisi de la importància de l’educació emocional en el desenvolupament social i cognitiu dels alumnes d’educació primària. Per això, en primer lloc es presenta un marc teòric basat en les aportacions i els descobriments de diferents autors sobre diversos aspectes relacionats amb les emocions. En segon lloc, es presenta un estudi de cas, fet a una aula de cinquè de primària, que mostra quin tractament es fa de les emocions a l’aula i com aquest influeix en diferents aspectes com les relacions socials i l’aprenentatge. Per últim, es fa un anàlisi de les dades recollides en aquest estudi i se’n mostren els resultats, a partir dels quals es va considerar fer una possible proposta de millora que es presenta al final.

Comorbiditat de la síndrome de Gilles de la Tourette i la síndrome d’Asperger : a propòsit d’un cas

Presentem una anàlisi qualitativa sobre l’evolució de la simptomatologia i la intervenció en àmbit escolar d’un adolescent de 15 anys diagnosticat de síndrome de Gilles de la Tourette i de síndrome d’Asperger. En aquests dos trastorns la comorbiditat no ha estat prou investigada. Realitzem una observació directa del comportament de l’adolescent en l’ambient escolar durant dos trimestres. S’utilitza una agenda del dia a dia acadèmic on s’apunten totes les dades rellevants referents a la conducta del subjecte, recull de dibuixos o narracions personals amb la finalitat de confeccionar un llistat de les conductes patró. Amb l’objectiu d’augmentar el nivell d’autoconsciència del subjecte en quant al control i descontrol de les seves conductes, se li aplica: reforç positiu permanent i contenció en situacions amb conductes més violentes. Observem que, independentment del diferent origen psicogenètic i psiconeurològic d’ambdues síndromes, les conductes resultants son similars, i que la intervenció aplicada dóna uns resultats favorables. Els resultats ens porten a afirmar que en aquest cas la intervenció cognitiu- conductual esdevé més eficaç que la intervenció conductual.

L'avançament de la introducció d'una llengua estrangera: un fugida cap enrera?

The age at which school children begin instruction in the foreign language has been brought forward on two main grounds: (1) young children are better language learners than older children, and (2) bilingualism brings cognitive advantages to children. Both statements are critically analysed in this paper. First of all, recent research findings show that the advantage that younger learners show in a naturalistic language learning situation (or through school immersion) disappears in a formal language learning situation with very limited exposure to the target language. Secondly, the positive effects on cognitive development that have been revealed through research correspond to situations of balanced bilingualism, that is, situations in which children have a high command of the two languages. In contrast, children¿s command of the foreign language in our context is very limited and hence far from the situation of balanced bilingualism (or trilingualism) that is said to bring positive cognitive effects.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

L'avançament de la introducció d'una llengua estrangera: un fugida cap enrera?

The age at which school children begin instruction in the foreign language has been brought forward on two main grounds: (1) young children are better language learners than older children, and (2) bilingualism brings cognitive advantages to children. Both statements are critically analysed in this paper. First of all, recent research findings show that the advantage that younger learners show in a naturalistic language learning situation (or through school immersion) disappears in a formal language learning situation with very limited exposure to the target language. Secondly, the positive effects on cognitive development that have been revealed through research correspond to situations of balanced bilingualism, that is, situations in which children have a high command of the two languages. In contrast, children¿s command of the foreign language in our context is very limited and hence far from the situation of balanced bilingualism (or trilingualism) that is said to bring positive cognitive effects.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Envelliment i comunicació : interrelació entre els factors auditius, cognitius i emocionals

La pèrdua auditiva és una de les condicions de salut cròniques més comuns en els adults grans, amb importants implicacions per a la qualitat de vida de les persones que la pateixen. Interfereix en la comunicació i dificulta les relacions amb els altres, la qual cosa pot generar un cert desajustament social i emocional, afectant la seva qualitat de vida i la participació en activitats comunitàries. Tot i així, no sempre sol estar diagnosticada durant les primeres manifestacions i la seva rehabilitació sol encara considerar-se poc freqüent. En el present article, s’aporten evidències científiques sobre l’impacte negatiu de la presbiacúsia tant en l’esfera comunicativa com en l’àmbit cognitiu de les persones grans. Finalment, s’aborda la necessitat d’enfocar la seva rehabilitació des d’una perspectiva interdisciplinària, atorgant a l’acompanyament psicològic de la persona afectada i a la rehabilitació logopèdia tanta o més importància que l’ús d’unes pròtesis auditives perfectament adaptades a les necessitats del pacient.

Canvis neuropsicològics en el procés d’envelliment en les persones amb Síndrome de Down

La millora en la qualitat de vida ha afavorit considerablement l'augment de la longevitat de les persones amb discapacitat intel·lectual i amb síndrome de Down (SD) en particular i, per aquesta raó, és important descriure les característiques que presenta el seu procés d'envelliment. Per tant, és molt important aconseguir una major precisió en la detecció inicial dels canvis cognitius i emocionals, per tal de dur a terme una bona prevenció i/o intervenció ajustada a les necessitats de cada persona. És per tant, fonamental una bona prevenció i detecció de l’inici del deteriorament per així, millorar la intervenció en la seva qualitat de vida durant el procés d’envelliment. En aquest sentit i degut a què hi ha encara pocs estudis sobre el deteriorament cognitiu en l’envelliment de les persones amb SD, cal fomentar la realització d’estudis que permetin un millor coneixement del seu procés d’envelliment. Per aquest motiu, s’ha iniciat un estudi multicèntric amb diferents institucions que treballen amb persones amb SD, amb la finalitat de determinar si existeix un patró de deteriorament i l’evolució dels canvis cognitius i emocionals en el procés d’envelliment en les persones amb SD.

Símptomes negatius i cognició social en l'esquizofrènia : un programa d'intervenció

L’esquizofrènia és un trastorn mental greu que afecta a un 1% de la població mundial. El seu tractament ha estat molt estudiat i, al llarg del temps, s’han descobert i fomentat noves línies de treball com són el tractament de la simptomatologia negativa i el dèficit cognitiu, front l’originària focalització en els símptomes positius. El present programa d’intervenció té com objectiu principal la millora de la simptomatologia negativa i el funcionament social en les persones diagnosticades d’esquizofrènia negativa. El programa es situa en el buit existent entre els programes de rehabilitació cognitiva (RC) i els programes de reinserció laboral i vocacionals donat que els actual programes d’entrenament en habilitats socials han demostrat no ser aplicables a la vida diària dels pacients esquizofrènics. El programa té un format grupal i una duració de 3 anys, amb una sessió setmanal, i consta de 4 mòduls diferenciats (Entrevista Motivacional, Cognició, Simptomatologia negativa i relacions socials, Cloenda i Recopilació de conceptes) amb objectius, dificultat i temporalitat diferents. Les possibles limitacions del programa vindrien donades per la dificultat de determinar quins són els pacients que s’adequarien a aquesta intervenció, pel que serà necessària la realització d’una adequada avaluació per seleccionar els membres del grup de tractament. Alhora, en la seva aplicació, les limitacions vindrien determinades per la forta implicació emocional i cohesió grupal que el programa requereix.

El Joc lliure : un espai natural per al desenvolupament infantil

L’article presenta diferents arguments que defensen i recolzen la importància del joc lliure al llarg dels primers 6 anys de vida. Es comenten les atribucions que el defineixen i es relacionen amb algunes de les aportacions dels grans teòrics de la psicologia. Es contempla l’infant com un ésser amb moltes potencialitats, i es mostra com, a través de la seva activitat lúdica, desenvolupa de manera integral la seva personalitat, iniciant i afirmant aprenentatges diversos. S’incideix específicament en el desenvolupament cognitiu, bàsicament per la complexitat que comporta la seva valoració en contraposició a altres àrees com el llenguatge, la motricitat i la socialització, que són àrees més fàcilment observables. Amb aquesta finalitat s’inclouen alguns exemples de joc lliure on s’il·lustra, de manera introductòria, aquest desenvolupament. Al mateix temps s’observa el desenvolupament infantil a partir de les tipologies de joc que es manifesten naturalment en aquests anys, passant de l’activitat exploratòria al joc simbòlic i al joc reglat, i vinculant aquest darrer amb l’entrada a l’educació formal. Finalment s’incideix en la importància de la presència de l’adult, com una presència propera, que educa, i que ha de partir d’unes actituds prèvies molt clares si vol compartir espais de joc lliure amb els infants, afavorint d’aquesta manera que l’espai de joc es converteixi també en espai educatiu.