A careful and strict inquiry into the modern prevailing notions of that freedom of the will, which is supposed to be essential to moral agency, virtue and vice, reward and punishment, praise and blame ...

Appended: Remarks on the Essays on the principles of morality and natural religion, in a letter to a minister of the Church of Scotland: by the Reverend Mr. Jonathan Edwards ... (A criticism of Lord Kames' Essays ... p. [183]-190.)

Perceptions of stranger and acquaintance rape: The role of benevolent and hostile sexism in victim blame and rape proclivity

In Studies I and 21 after reading an acquaintance-rape but not a stranger-rape scenario, higher benevolent. sexist but not hostile sexist participants blamed the victim significantly more. In Study 2, higher hostile sexist but not benevolent sexist male participants showed significantly greater proclivity to commit acquaintance (but not stranger) rape. Studies 3 a effects of nd 4 'slippor,ted the hypothesis that the benevolent sexism and hostile sexism are mediated by different perceptions of the victim, as behaving. inappropriately and as really wanting sex with the rapist. These findings show that benevolent sexism and hostile sexism,underpin different assumptions about women that, generate sexist reactions toward rape victims.

Evaluating stranger and acquaintance rape: The role of benevolent sexism in perpetrator blame and recommended sentence length

Our previous research has shown that individuals who show a greater endorsement of benevolently sexist beliefs are more likely to blame acquaintance rape victims in comparison to stranger rape victims (Abrams et al., 2003). Two studies investigating the role of benevolent sexism (BS) in accounting for participants' responses to acquaintance vs. stranger rape perpetrators were conducted. Participants were presented with vignettes describing either an acquaintance rape or a stranger rape. As predicted, participants who showed a greater endorsement of benevolently sexist beliefs attributed less blame (Study 1) and recommended shorter sentences (Study 2) for the acquaintance rape perpetrator than participants with a lesser endorsement of benevolently sexist beliefs. Benevolent sexism was unrelated to reactions to the perpetrator in the stranger rape condition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evaluating stranger and acquaintance rape: The role of benevolent sexism in perpetrator blame and recommended sentence length

In most jurisdictions, the law does not recognize the distinction between stranger and acquaintance rape. However, these two types of rape seem to elicit different responses from both lay observers and legal practitioners. Two studies investigating the role of benevolent sexism (BS) in accounting for participants' responses to acquaintance vs. stranger rape perpetrators are reported. Participants were presented with vignettes describing either an acquaintance rape or a stranger rape. As predicted, relative to low-BS individuals, participants who scored high in BS attributed less blame ( Study 1) and recommended shorter sentences ( Study 2) for the acquaintance rape perpetrator. Benevolent sexism was unrelated to reactions to the perpetrator in the stranger rape condition.

Contextualising accounts of illness:Notions of responsibility and blame in white and South Asian respondents' accounts of diabetes causation

We undertook a secondary analysis of in-depth interviews with white (n = 32) and Pakistani and Indian (n = 32) respondents who had type 2 diabetes, which explored their perceptions and understandings of disease causation. We observed subtle, but important, differences in the ways in which these respondent groups attributed responsibility and blame for developing the disease. Whereas Pakistani and Indian respondents tended to externalise responsibility, highlighting their life circumstances in general and/or their experiences of migrating to Britain in accounting for their diabetes (or the behaviours they saw as giving rise to it), white respondents, by contrast, tended to emphasise the role of their own lifestyle 'choices' and 'personal failings'. In seeking to understand these differences, we argue for a conceptual and analytical approach which embraces both micro- (i.e. everyday) and macro- (i.e. cultural) contextual factors and experiences. In so doing, we provide a critique of social scientific studies of lay accounts/understandings of health and illness. We suggest that greater attention needs to be paid to the research encounter (that is, to who is looking at whom and in what circumstances) to understand the different kinds of contexts researchers have highlighted in presenting and interpreting their data. © 2007 Foundation for the Sociology of Health & Illness/Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

“I thought I’d be safe there”:pre-empting blame in the talk of women reporting rape

One routine “common sense” means of explaining sexual violence is the ideologically facilitated tendency to blame the victim, and previous research has identified patterns of victim-blaming in the talk of perpetrators of rape, and also in that of the professionals who deal with rape in their day-to-day work. This article focuses on the discursive resources drawn on in police interviews by rape victims themselves as they attempt to account for their own behaviour in relation to the attack. It identifies and describes points within interviewees’ talk where they produce “accounts” (Potter and Wetherell, 1987), and considers what these tell us about the participants’ shared understanding of what is relevant to the on-going talk. Occasions when there is evidence of a mis-match in the understanding of the participants will also be discussed. The analyses illustrate that for the accounts of interviewees to be heard as relevant, a number of prevalent and problematic themes of victim-blaming must be assumed. Interviewees anticipate and pre-empt implications that various aspects of their own behaviour contributed to their attack, and interviewers vary in the level of skill they display at negotiating these shared understandings.

Crime and prejudice: The influence of appearance on blame amongst perpetrators and victims

Stereotypes based on characteristics such as age, race, and gender influence opinions in a criminal context. Yet, to date research has largely assessed whether perpetrators, rather than victims, are judged differently. Furthermore, although facial features can be a source of unconscious bias, research has failed to assess whether perceptions based on facial features affect the criminal context. To better understand the relationship between stereotypic facial features and gender, and whether this varies across perpetrators and victims, participants were asked to answer questions about an aggravated assault scenario after viewing an image of a person described as the victim or the alleged perpetrator. Images varied in gender and in presence or absence of tattoos or gothic makeup. Participants sympathized with the victim regardless of gender, but discrepancies were stronger if the victim was female than male. Neutral and tattooed faces were judged more harshly than faces with gothic makeup, regardless of gender.

The Blame Game: Perceptions of Blame, Responsibility and Seriousness in Cyberbullying

Cyberbullying is gaining increasing media attention. Victims may be reluctant to report such bullying due to the perception by others that these victims somehow play a role in their own victimization. This perception, often referred to as victim blame, has been commonly researched in child sexual abuse, rape and hate crime cases, but it has not really been examined in cases of cyberbullying. To assess victim blame, 241 participants were recruited and asked to read a scenario of cyberbullying that involved either a 14-year-old or a 20-year old victim. Perpetrator gender and victim gender were also manipulated. It was found that perceptions regarding the scenario were influenced by the gender of the perpetrator and the age of the victim. This was particularly the case when perceptions of the seriousness of the crime and the necessity for legal action were assessed.

Beyond Blame: cultural barriers to medical reporting

The paper explores the attitudes of medical physicians towards adverse incident reporting in health care, with particular focus on the inhibiting factors or barriers to participation. It is recognised that there are major barriers to medical reporting, such as the ‘culture of blame’. There are, however, few detailed qualitative accounts of medical culture as it relates to incident reporting. Drawing on a 2-year qualitative case study in the UK, this paper presents data gathered from 28 semi-structured interviews with specialist physicians. The findings suggest that blame certainly inhibits medical reporting, but other cultural issues were also significant. It was commonly accepted by doctors that errors are an ‘inevitable’ and potentially unmanageable feature of medical work and incident reporting was therefore ‘pointless’. It was also found that reporting was discouraged by an anti-bureaucratic sentiment and rejection of excessive administrative duties. Doctors were also apprehensive about the increased potential for managers and non-physicians to engage in the regulation of medical quality through the use of incident data. The paper argues that the promotion of incident reporting must engage with more than the ubiquitous ‘culture of blame’ and instead address the ‘culture of medicine’, especially as it relates to the collegial and professional control of quality.

Blame Attributions Among Child Sexual Abuse Survivors and Disclosure of the Abuse

Child sexual abuse (CSA) disclosure is critical for survivor´s psychosocial adjustment later in life. The aim of the present study was to analyze the relationship between attributions of blame for child sexual abuse by the victim and the disclosure of the abuse to parents or caregivers while controlling for characteristics of the abuse. Female college students between 17 and 24 years of age (M = 19.44, SD = 1.64) from a southern Spanish University were surveyed. Of 1547 respondents, 153 (9.90%) reported having suffered some form of CSA before the age of 15. Information about the characteristics of abuse (age of onset, type of abuse suffered, continuity of abuse, and relationship with and age of the perpetrator) and the existence of abuse disclosure by the survivor was obtained from a self-reported questionnaire developed for the present study. The Attributions of Responsibility and Blame Scale (McMillen & Zuravin, 1997) was used to assess attributions made about CSA (self-blame, perpetrator blame and family blame). The results of a logistic regression model was statistically significant, χ² (9) = 43.856, p < .001. The model explained 41% (Nagelkerke R²) of the variance of abuse disclosure and correctly classified 85.6% of cases. Survivor disclosure was 5.50 times more likely to occur when the perpetrator was not a family member (Wald = 8.14, p < .01) and 3.95 times more likely to occur when there was not physical contact with the perpetrator (Wald = 4.30, p < .05). The occurrence of disclosure was also related to increased perpetrator age (Wald = 4.83, p < .05). With regard to the attributions of blame, the occurrence of disclosure was related to lower scores on self-blame (Wald = 6.78, p < .01) and higher scores on family blame (Wald = 9.67, p < .001). However, no relationship was found between perpetrator blame and disclosure of abuse. The results confirm the idea that not only self-blame attributions, but also family blame attributions are critical to the decision of a CSA victim to disclose abuse. The possibility that children who do not disclose abuse have a greater need to deny the occurrence of abuse, or have more confusion about being abused is discussed. Attributions of blame should be taken into serious consideration when evaluating children for possible sexual abuse.

Detecting expressions of blame or praise in text

The growth of social networking platforms has drawn a lot of attentions to the need for social computing. Social computing utilises human insights for computational tasks as well as design of systems that support social behaviours and interactions. One of the key aspects of social computing is the ability to attribute responsibility such as blame or praise to social events. This ability helps an intelligent entity account and understand other intelligent entities’ social behaviours, and enriches both the social functionalities and cognitive aspects of intelligent agents. In this paper, we present an approach with a model for blame and praise detection in text. We build our model based on various theories of blame and include in our model features used by humans determining judgment such as moral agent causality, foreknowledge, intentionality and coercion. An annotated corpus has been created for the task of blame and praise detection from text. The experimental results show that while our model gives similar results compared to supervised classifiers on classifying text as blame, praise or others, it outperforms supervised classifiers on more finer-grained classification of determining the direction of blame and praise, i.e., self-blame, blame-others, self-praise or praise-others, despite not using labelled training data.

Neurolinguistic contributions to understanding the bilingual mental lexicon

Introduction Many bilinguals will have had the experience of unintentionally reading something in a language other than the intended one (e.g. MUG to mean mosquito in Dutch rather than a receptacle for a hot drink, as one of the possible intended English meanings), of finding themselves blocked on a word for which many alternatives suggest themselves (but, somewhat annoyingly, not in the right language), of their accent changing when stressed or tired and, occasionally, of starting to speak in a language that is not understood by those around them. These instances where lexical access appears compromised and control over language behavior is reduced hint at the intricate structure of the bilingual lexical architecture and the complexity of the processes by which knowledge is accessed and retrieved. While bilinguals might tend to blame word finding and other language problems on their bilinguality, these difficulties per se are not unique to the bilingual population. However, what is unique, and yet far more common than is appreciated by monolinguals, is the cognitive architecture that subserves bilingual language processing. With bilingualism (and multilingualism) the rule rather than the exception (Grosjean, 1982), this architecture may well be the default structure of the language processing system. As such, it is critical that we understand more fully not only how the processing of more than one language is subserved by the brain, but also how this understanding furthers our knowledge of the cognitive architecture that encapsulates the bilingual mental lexicon. The neurolinguistic approach to bilingualism focuses on determining the manner in which the two (or more) languages are stored in the brain and how they are differentially (or similarly) processed. The underlying assumption is that the acquisition of more than one language requires at the very least a change to or expansion of the existing lexicon, if not the formation of language-specific components, and this is likely to manifest in some way at the physiological level. There are many sources of information, ranging from data on bilingual aphasic patients (Paradis, 1977, 1985, 1997) to lateralization (Vaid, 1983; see Hull & Vaid, 2006, for a review), recordings of event-related potentials (ERPs) (e.g. Ardal et al., 1990; Phillips et al., 2006), and positron emission tomography (PET) and functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies of neurologically intact bilinguals (see Indefrey, 2006; Vaid & Hull, 2002, for reviews). Following the consideration of methodological issues and interpretative limitations that characterize these approaches, the chapter focuses on how the application of these approaches has furthered our understanding of (1) selectivity of bilingual lexical access, (2) distinctions between word types in the bilingual lexicon and (3) control processes that enable language selection.